Sirdoon Network http://www.sirdoon.com/ en-us Nucleus CMS v3.24 © Weblog http://backend.userland.com/rss http://www.sirdoon.com//nucleus/nucleus2.gif Sirdoon Network http://www.sirdoon.com/ Maxay Qabatay Towraddu? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=615 Erayadaas kore waxaa ay intii joogtey ku xasuustaan dabaal deggii loo sameyn jiray kacaankii 21 oktoober oo radio muqdishu si aan kala go, laheyn looga baahin jirey.

Shalay oo taariiqdu aheyd 29 ka janaayo waxaa ay ku beegneyd doorashadii sh shariif sh Axmed Djibouti madaxweynaha loogu soo doortay janaayo 2009. waxaana uu xaflada gurigiisa madaxtooyada lagu qabtay kashaeegay in ay dowladdiisu guulo waaweyn gaartay, tan ugu horreysa guulahaas ayuu sheegay inay tahay in ay ka badbaadeen doonistii cadowga ee aheyd in la rido iyo in sanadkaas aysan asaga raisul wasaaruhu is khilaafin

isla intii ay xafladdaasi socotay waxaa iriida hore ee halkii ay xafladdu ka socotay ku soo dhacay madaaafiic diishey qaar k mid ah ilaaladiisa reer Ugandha. madaafiicdaas oo ay soo tuureen kooxaha Dowladda shariifka mucaaradsan oo madaxtooyada u jira wax ka yar nus km, weerar ay soo qaadeen habeenkii hore dartiis ay dowladda shariifka iyo ciidamada ugandha madaafiic aan loo aabbo dayin la dhaceen magaalada ayna dileen dad badan oo rayid ah, caruur iyo haween uur lehna u badan.

shariif waxaa uu ku tilmaamay guul weyn in dowladdiisu ay sanad jirtay, wuxuuse hilmaamay in sababtii isaga loo soo doortay ay aheed in madaafiicda uu dadka shacabka ah hadda la dhacayo oo xilligaas ay dad kale ridayeen la joojiyo. dadka qaxayna uu guryaha ku soo celiyo.iskoolada iyo isbitaalada iyo waddooyinkana la furo. intaasna midna wax guul ah lagama gaarin waxaa uu 24 saac dhex fadhiyaa xarunta madaxtooyada, mana lahan sida muuqata karti hal abuur oo uu mushkiladda wadanka taalla ku furdaamiyo, waxaana intaas ka sii daran ma jirto kati uu tallooyinka loo soo jeediyo kuwooda wanaagsan kaga xusho, keliya waxaa uu isku maaweeliyaa in wax waliba ay hagaagi doonaan.

waa dhab oo cidina ma dafirsana in ay taallo mushkilad weyn oo aan qof keliyihi waxba ka qaban karin laakiin taasi Shariif marmarsiinyo uma noqoto waayo waa uu ogaa markii uu xukunka doonanayey iney xaalad adag sugayso. waxaase muuqata inuu taa halmaamay oo kursiga ku inbihaaray moodeyna in wax waliba yihiin heer sare.


furasadaha iyo caqabadaha horyaalla sh shariif waxaa muuqata inuusan miisaan iyo isbarbardhig ku sameyn karin. fursaha waaweyn ee dowladda shariif heysato waxaa ka mid ah ineysan dadweynuhu colaad u qabin, iyo in mucaaradka karaahiyo badan loo qabo.

caqabadaha horyaalla waxaa ka mid ah dhaqaalo oo aan jirin iyo ciidamada oo aan tayo leheyn, masuuliyiinta dowladda haba ugu horreeyo raisul wasaaruhu iyo inta badan wasiirada oo aan karti laheyn, haya'daha dhaqaalaha soo saara sida dekedda iyo airporka oo musumaasuq daashadey
iyo kuwo kale oo badan. meeshii la rabey inuu saraakiil aqoon iyo khibrad leh u xusho dhismaha ciidanka, maamulyaqaan daacad ahna u xil saaro hagaajinta ilaha dhaqaalaha waxaa ay ku qaadatay sanad inuu ciidanka xoogga talie cusub u magacaabo, hhalka hayadaha maaliyaddana ay weli joogaan xooxo qowleysata ah oo uu meesha ugu yimid.


Canab C/laahi Maxamed. Muqdisho Somaliya]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=615 Sat, 30 Jan 2010 10:36:29 +0000 Al Qaeda extends to Somalia, Yemen http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=614
While Osama bin Laden and his No. 2, Ayman al-Zawahiri, are believed to remain in a tribal redoubt along the Afghan-Pakistani border, midlevel al Qaeda leaders are fanning out, recruiting new middlemen and establishing stronger bases in Somalia and Yemen, U.S. and Pakistani officials say.

The moves reflect growing pressure on al Qaeda from U.S. drone attacks and Pakistani military operations that have killed nine of al Qaeda's top 20 commanders as well as Pakistani Taliban chief Baitullah Mehsud.

"There are indications that some al Qaeda terrorists have started to view the tribal areas of Pakistan as an even rougher place to be," a U.S. counterterrorism official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Washington Times.

"Some of these terrorists have undoubtedly ended up in Somalia and Yemen, among other places."

On Sunday, John Brennan, the top White House adviser on counterterrorism and homeland security, delivered a letter from President Obama to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh asking for more cooperation on fighting al Qaeda's growing presence in the country. Mr. Obama also offered additional foreign aid to the poverty-plagued nation, according to U.S. and Yemeni officials.

Militants also have been turning up increasingly in Pakistani cities.

On Aug. 19, Pakistani authorities recovered the body of an Algerian, Abdullah Noori, a close associate of bin Laden's, in the Tehkal section of Peshawar, a Pakistani city that is the capital of the North West Frontier Province. According to local police, the body showed additional marks of violence.

Pakistani police also arrested Saifullah, a Pakistani militant considered close to al Qaeda, in Bara Kahu, a suburb of Pakistan's capital, Islamabad. Police said Saifullah had moved from the Waziristan tribal region seeking medical treatment after being injured in a drone attack.

On Aug. 28, police arrested 12 purported al Qaeda members, including Sudanese, Swedes and Turks in the Dera Ghazi Khan district of Punjab province. According to district police officer Muhammad Rizwan, the district, located at the crossroads of Waziristan, Baluchistan and Punjab provinces, has been a conduit for al Qaeda fighters and arms moving to and from Taliban-controlled tribal lands.

The trend in some ways mirrors events following the collapse of the Taliban government in Afghanistan in 2001. For example, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, was captured in Rawalpindi in 2003. Bin Laden and Zawahiri also have been rumored to be in Quetta, Karachi and Peshawar at various times since 2002.





"Some of these terrorists have undoubtedly ended up in Somalia and Yemen, among other places."

On Sunday, John Brennan, the top White House adviser on counterterrorism and homeland security, delivered a letter from President Obama to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh asking for more cooperation on fighting al Qaeda's growing presence in the country. Mr. Obama also offered additional foreign aid to the poverty-plagued nation, according to U.S. and Yemeni officials.

Militants also have been turning up increasingly in Pakistani cities.

On Aug. 19, Pakistani authorities recovered the body of an Algerian, Abdullah Noori, a close associate of bin Laden's, in the Tehkal section of Peshawar, a Pakistani city that is the capital of the North West Frontier Province. According to local police, the body showed additional marks of violence.

Pakistani police also arrested Saifullah, a Pakistani militant considered close to al Qaeda, in Bara Kahu, a suburb of Pakistan's capital, Islamabad. Police said Saifullah had moved from the Waziristan tribal region seeking medical treatment after being injured in a drone attack.

On Aug. 28, police arrested 12 purported al Qaeda members, including Sudanese, Swedes and Turks in the Dera Ghazi Khan district of Punjab province. According to district police officer Muhammad Rizwan, the district, located at the crossroads of Waziristan, Baluchistan and Punjab provinces, has been a conduit for al Qaeda fighters and arms moving to and from Taliban-controlled tribal lands.

The trend in some ways mirrors events following the collapse of the Taliban government in Afghanistan in 2001. For example, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, was captured in Rawalpindi in 2003. Bin Laden and Zawahiri also have been rumored to be in Quetta, Karachi and Peshawar at various times since 2002.
]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=614 Fri, 11 Sep 2009 18:52:29 +0100 Virtuosic Touch: Hodeide, a Life with the Oud and More * http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=613 James Wallace Professor of International Studies and Dean of the Institute for Global Citizenship, Macalester College, St. Paul, Mn. USA.

He is as distinguished as any Somali of national accomplishment. Still tall with a straight back, the gait strong, the mind in full alert, the greatest living Somali master of the oud (kaman), Ahmed Ismail Hussein, Hodeide, is now nearly eighty.


Like almost a million of his compatriots, he is in exile from the continuing violent misery that is the Somali Republic. It is December 27, 2007. We just ended a delicious and long lunch at one of London’s best Indian restaurants, a stone’s throw from the British Museum.

He looks as formidable as the late André Segovia, the renowned Spanish and world-class guitarist who transformed that instrument into a treasure of classical music. If Hodeide was born to a country more integrated into the world, he could have been regarded as the Segovia of the oud—famous, rich, and more…We are sitting in my hotel room on a cool day in London, one of his many kaman instruments lovingly held on his lap and the famous and big right-hand fingers itching to strike and set us in at once a tantalizingly sweet and sour mood.

There is little doubt that Hodeide is a gifted man, a virtuoso that not only can manipulate the strings to exquisite sounds, but has proven to be capable of astonishing patriotic and romantic song compositions. Moreover, his knowledge of Somali musical performance is among the most arresting, with discriminating judgments to boot. Even a cursory examination of his lifetime of artistry will find it difficult to disentangle his breathtaking technical potency from a deep-seated personal integrity and careful situational intelligence.

This is particularly remark- able given the long years of exile and personal economic brittleness. Perhaps all of the above are part of his durable allure. Hodeide was an official guest of Macalester College in the summer of 2004, when he, in the company of other artists, such as Fadumo Qassim Hiloule and Abdinoor Allaleh, performed, to full capacity, at the Concert Hall. During this London occasion, I had an opportunity to persuade him to visit with me and respond to a few questions. We conducted the interview in Somali.

Ahmed I. Samatar: Welcome Mr. Hodeide.

Hodeide: Thank you, Professor Ahmed.

AIS: Before we go further, what does the Somali word fuun mean to you?

H: Fuun connotes artistic activities that are, at their most thrilling, even hypnotizing, and worthy of celebration. Such creation ranges widely, from musical mastery in the playing of the flute, the oud, the drums, beautiful singing voice, composition of drama or poetry, to painting, sculpture, and sweet writing. In short, fuun conjures up high quality artistic creativity—evocative power that is almost magical.

AIS: How did you come to be a kaman player?

H: From very early in my youth in British Aden [Yemen] I knew I had a fascination with music. Whenever I saw the police contingent playing their drums and marching, I would run to them, walk behind, and let myself imagine I was one of them beating on those drums.

I would get carried away, losing the sense of time, until a member of the family would find me and take me home. At elementary school, I used every opportunity to turn the top of my wooden desk into a drum-like surface, with the fingers of both of my hands impatient to experiment. I became quite good at it and my classmates were impressed. Then an event of major significance happened: a man by the name of Abdillahi Qarshe arrived in Aden.

AIS: You mean the legendary Qarshe? The composer of such classic nationalist songs as Qolaba Calankeedu Waa Caynee and Aqoon La’aani Waa Iftiin La’aan?

H: Yes! But he was young and obscure then—all of that renown was years and years away. He grew up in Aden but left and then returned with a reputation as a Fanaan. I quickly decided to court his attention and, hence, offered to play the drums to accompany his oud performances.

At this time, Qarshe was not highly skilled in his playing but he was distinctive in being the first Somali in the area to publicly and fully pick up the challenge and, in addition, began to sing against colonialism. I met him soon. One day, in an intimate setting, I began to touch and caress his kaman. He noticed this immediately, retrieved the kaman from me gently, and then inquired about what things my father had bought for me to enter school. I replied that the items were books and pencils. Qarshe said that was fine, but I should also buy a basic kaman.

I took the advice to heart and within no time had my own piece. In this formative moment, Qarshe was key—he did not give me lessons, but he inspired and encouraged me to take up the practice. At the time I had bought my own kaman, the two artists who taught the techniques were the late Abdi Afweyne (who had done some performances in Djibouti) and Hassan Nahaari—iconic names in the early history of Somali kaman performance.

They used to rent their pieces when they wanted to rehearse or perform. Since I had my own kaman, they needed me, so I got many opportunities to do my practice. After three months of intensive learning, I became more confident, with my name becoming increasingly associated with the instrument. You see, Ahmed, kaman playing is primarily dependent on rhythmic balance. The greater a performer’s inner sense of rhythm, the more stunning the sounds. That is the constitutive secret.

AIS: Rhythm, what does it mean?

H: Rhythm has a number of elements, but two stand out, in my opinion: emphasis on a beat and timing or the movement of a touch. The first is the product of the concrete encounter between the appropriate part of the human body and the instrument; the second relates to the velocity of the action. But remember this: though both might seem mechanical in the first instance, the complete act is thrust forth by a less visible but a generative, sensitive, and indispensable force of artistic imagination.

AIS: How long did you stay in Aden?

H: Until I became Doob Guraan. That is, till around the age of 25 years.

AIS: Between early youth and Doob Guraan, did you perform occasion- ally or did you decide to dedicate your whole energy to mastering the instrument?

H: No, no! I became a total devotee, and the Somalis in Aden encouraged me a great deal. In a citywide carnival organized at that time, Somalis were invited to participate. I was one of the younger artists asked to make a contribution. Consequently, members of the community brought to me two white “traditional” sheets, or go’yaal, and draped them around me: one on the lower body, the other on the torso. This outfit, one I had never seen before that day, was accompanied by sandal shoes, “Faygamuur,” made of wood, and a prayer rug.

It was really at once a strange and beautiful profile—a very unique and, for many, authentic Somali dress! Then I was handed the oud and per- formed solo. Other competing communities filled out a small orchestra. In the end, the combination of the dress and the playing of the oud, Somali style, created enough of an alluring moment for the judges to declare me the winner of the first prize.

AIS: I assume at this time your parents were alive?

H: Yes.

AIS: How did they react to the direction your interests and life were heading?

H: We were at war with each other—kick and punch became the medium of our encounters. For them, it was as if their boy was deciding to destroy his life before it even bloomed. You see, both of them hated and despised what we call fuun.

AIS: Apparently, like the majority of Somalis of their age, and some of the other generations to follow, they believed a career in fuun was tantamount to failure and social disgrace?

H: Yes!

AIS: Did they ever change their minds?

H: They never did and, in fact, died disconsolate over what they felt to be my cursed fate. Fortunately, however, my father’s brother lived long enough to reverse his judgment and, therefore, gave me his blessings.

AIS: Heavy sadness but a bit of sweetness, too! What period are we talking about? After the Second World War?

H: Yes, right after the War. This is the time when Bellwo will appear as a genre in Somali singing and musical imagination.

AIS: When did you leave Aden?

H: First time was 1949. I left Aden for the sole purpose of wanting to be heard over the new Radio Hargeisa. I arrived there and played the drums for the rising star, Abdillahi Qarshe. After a brief period, I returned to Aden. At this stage in my life, my competence in the spoken Somali language was elementary and poorly developed. It was my enchantment with fuun that taught me to appreciate the combined elegance and muscularity of the Somali language. Moreover, the political songs of the age were mesmerizing to me and, consequently, I threw myself into this cultural milieu.

AIS: In Hargeisa, you stayed for a while and then, feeling excited, returned to Aden?

H: Yes. While in Aden, I took part in another competition, one focused on the composition of nationalist/independence songs that were being prepared for the grand celebration of 1960. My compositions were sent to Hargeisa. You see, when the independence of British Somaliland was being declared, the British colonial office in Aden arranged an impressive celebration, bigger than the one set in Hargeisa.

At that time, Mr. Mohamed Hashi Abdi, an officer of Radio Hargeisa, was sent to Aden. Some members of the community convinced Mr. Abdi that I was a suitable young person to make an artistic contribution to the festival that would accompany the raising of the flag of independence. This was an instantiation of the famous exaggeration that Somali Adenis were known for! Mr. Abdi decided to record one of my compositions and gave it the name “Dhalad,” or Birth. That song became my initial identity and with it I moved to Hargeisa permanently.

AIS: It was then the year 1960?

H: Yes.

AIS: Who was at Radio Hargeisa? This is the institution and the city in which you would settle, correct?

H: Yes. When I left for the new Somali Republic, I was already registered as an employee of Radio Hargeisa, and a member of its artistic group. Mohamed Hashi Abdi took care of the details. But my formal host would be a man by the name of Abbas Dooreh.

AIS: What form of transport did you take from Aden? A plane?

H: No, I took a boat to the tiny coastal fishing village of Meid. During those days, there was a cohort of young educated and professional Somali men who dominated social life in Hargeisa. To cut down on their uppity prominence, they were exiled to the remote outpost of Dayaha, near Erigavo. Among them were Abdisalaam Haji Aden, Hassan Ali Henery, Ku Adeyeh, Nine, and others.

AIS: Who exiled them? The colonial British?

H: No. They were posted by the new Somali political and business leaders who became somewhat envious of this educated group’s popularity among the denizens of Hargeisa. The assignment was for the cohorts to teach at the new intermediate school in Dayaha, and Abdisalaam Haji Aden was appointed as the Principal. At Meid, the customs officer sent them word that a young man of “maddening skill” in playing the oud had arrived.

The Dayaha associates sent me a vehicle, a nice vehicle—a Land Rover—immediately. When I arrived, they requested that I arrange a performance. In a few weeks, I composed a play called “Magaalo,” or Town. The day coincided with Eid celebrations. The event was supplemented with a fabulous football game the following afternoon. This was a success, so, after a few days, we decided to take the show to the tad bigger town, Burao, to the west.

This was the first time in the modern history of Burao in which an artistic performance was brought to its citizens from further east. In addition, Burao lost a competitive football game to a team from Erigavo/Dayaha. Because of an ongoing but convivial rivalry, and in a well-understood friendly manner, we rubbed in both victories on Burao’s folks. A good time was had at first. But the occasion did not end in complete happiness. After the professionals and the young people, who loved the fuun, began to fix their admiring and intense attention on me, a bit of envy rose among the other artists. Some even went to the extent of pouring ghee in my oud instrument! This is the time when I composed this verse:

Hadaanan ka cuslayn xagaaga cidlaay

Ciirsilaay anna kaa calool go’ay.

If I am not precious to you, Oh Ms. Nothing,
And your succor is no more, I, too, have given up on you.

I stayed in Hargeisa for a brief period and then I left for Djibouti, which was then a French colony.

AIS: This was when, and why?

H: I was just itching to see more places where fuun was popular. The year was 1961. At this time in Djibouti, the Afar community, though artistically not well organized, was the main political force. But the opportunities were plentiful. I threw myself into the Djibouti artistic and cultural vortex. The local artists inquired if I could help compose songs to go with a play they were eager to create. I replied in the affirmative.

A journalist who was present inquired if I knew the Afar language. I responded in the negative but immediately announced to all that this piece of wood and strings, the oud, had its own ears to hear and understand. From that day, we established a bit of a partnership. The Somali community also received me well. But after a few very popular political songs, which were identified with me, the French colonial authorities became suspicious and uneasy enough to, in time, throw me out of the territory.

AIS: Were there established artists at this time in Djibouti? If so, who were they?

H: There were a few. Prominent among the male singers was Mr. Said Hamarqoud. As for musicians, there was a young man by the name of Ibrahim Bay, who was part Somali and part Sudanese, and Nahaari’s nephew. There were also a few Djibouti-Arab musicians.

AIS: How long were you in Djibouti?

H: I had spent about seven years in the 1960s. Later, I would live in Djibouti for another eleven years—all in all about eighteen years—longer than I had spent in the Somali Republic!

AIS: When did you return to Somalia? Was this before Djibouti’s independence?

H: In fact, the French threw me out so I returned to Hargeisa, somewhat unwillingly. There, I put together a play with the title, Macal Cune Ma Muuqan Doonaa (He who eats the sheep’s dewlap can’t hide). I drafted a number of schoolteachers to participate. Among them were Mohamed Warsame, Faisal Omer, Mohamed Mogeh, and Abu Shiraa.

AIS: Was this successful?

H: Very much so!

AIS: How long did you stay in Hargeisa?

H: About three months. The performance was recorded and the collection, I assume, is still in existence and available.

AIS: Who were the singers and the musicians in Hargeisa at this time?

H: This is the late 1960s. Among them were individuals of exceptional abilities: Maandeq; Magool; Iftin; Gudodo; Bahsen; Farahiya Ali; Young Hibo; Mohamed Suliman; Mohamed Mogeh; Ahmed Mogeh; Mohamed Yusuf; Mohamed Ahmed; Osman Mohamed; and Abdillahi Gujis. Musicians included Ali Fayruze; Mohamed Said; Mohamed Egeh; Mohamed Afweyne; Ali Deere; Abdillahi Hamari—the last an awesome flute player.

AIS: Compared to other Somali Fuun centers like Mogadishu and Djibouti, how good was the talent pool in Hargeisa?

H: Generally speaking, when it comes to rhythm and, therefore, music- making, I believe that the southern Somalis are by far superior. Just think of the fantastic Hussein Banjuni and Ahmed Naji Saad, if not the second generation headed by the breathtaking oud master, Daoud Ali Mushaf. But when you compare poetic composition and luuq (singing), northern Somalis and Hargeisa seemed more captivating. Hargeisa at this time was the headquarters!

AIS: What do you suppose are some of the reasons?

H: I am not sure, for I have not fully studied this distribution of artistic endowment, but I can offer a pet theory. Somali northerners have been traditionally mobile (i.e., nomadic). Consequently, their sense of the repetitiveness and musical synchronization had been a bit underdeveloped. For southerners, being more sedentary might have given them a more suitable context to practice and innovate. More seriously, this might be a subject of intriguing research for young Somali scholars.

AIS: In Hargeisa at this time, who were the reputable composers?

H: On the front row were such figures as the incomparable Hussein Aw Farah, Ismail Aw Ahmed, Yusuf Haji Aden, and Ali Suguleh.

AIS: In the 1960s, how would you characterize the relationship between Fuun and the politics of post-independence?

H: A few years after 1960, the nationalist fever, which was high, began to sag. One could feel a slow but creeping “cold” affecting the communal élan. It felt as if we had entered a post-honeymoon period in which what seemed like an era of limitless possibilities was quickly disappearing. One could hear some anti-regime Heesooyin (songs). The first of this incipient oppositional genre was composed by the renowned Huriyo.

AIS: What were the central points of disapproval by the artists?

H: In the beginning, the main issue was rather petty. It related to a perception among some that the distribution of national ministerial appointments overlooked some kin groups. But one could sense the potential for greater danger, the beginnings of the divisive manipulation of communal identity by individuals greedy for self-promotion. Still, this feeling was marginal among the citizens, and many of us saw it that way.

AIS: If, as you assert, “self-promotion” by the politically ambitious was tangential, why do you think the democratic and constitutional order lasted only nine years (1960–1969)?

H: You, Ahmed, and your colleagues who have spent years studying the evolution of contemporary Somali society are the appropriate people to answer that most difficult question. But from my perspective, I think it came down to a number of key elements: exaggerated expectations and a craving for unearned material privileges that began to blunt the daring and honorable creative mind and spirit.

This was an early warning: if we, as people, didn’t see decolonization as the opening chapter of a long journey of hard work and nation-building, the future would be a massive disappointment. But few were paying any attention, for the majority was intoxicated with easy pickings delivered by the new political order and, particularly, the arrival of generous aid from outside. All in all, a normalizing of a corrupt small-mindedness started to eclipse social fuun that had moved listeners into civic belonging and action.

President Aden A. Osman and Prime Minister Abdirazak H. Hussein tried hard to resist, by their example in leadership, a rising garaad xumo (imbecility) that equated raganimo (manliness) with the looting of the commons. Aden and Abdirazak were defeated in the elections of 1967. The national leadership passed on, through constitutional means, to Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke and Prime Minister

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. This new regime was very tolerant of corruption in its highest ranks.

AIS: So, the military coup d’état spearheaded by General Mohamed Siyaad Barre took over the state, after the assassination of President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke in October 1969. What was the mood and reaction of the Somali artists to this unprecedented national occurrence?

H: A strange mixture of sorrow and total exhilaration! We experienced sadness because of the violent death of Abdirashid, but felt joy because of the end of a detested leadership. Once the “Revolution” set in, Somali fuun began to be the object of state attention and investment. For the first time, artists were given international exposure by being sent to perform around the Middle East, Asia, and parts of Africa. Moreover, new recruits were brought in, as well as new instruments. Most significantly, an impressive and modern National Theatre was built, through the generosity of the Peoples Republic of China, at the center of Mogadishu. Artists of all stripes felt proud to an extent com- parable only to the sweet time of the coming of decolonization.

AIS: Why do you suppose the military order made these laudable commitments?

H: To be honest, this was not solely as a result of a mission of national cultural revival by the Somali Supreme Revolutionary Council (SSRC). I think a major impetus came from the influence of the SSRC’s patron, the USSR. Culture as a source of propaganda—to give the new regime in Somalia an image of a cleansed nationalism—was a main objective, and the Soviets were masters in underscoring the deployment of cultural resources to consolidate the power and legitimacy of the SSRC.

Here, I would like to add, however, that the Chinese functionaries we came to know were less instrumentalist; that is, they were not keen on manipulating the relations for the sole purpose of promoting the interests of the Peoples Republic of China. They were genuinely attentive to the improvement of Somali artistic facilities.

AIS: Is it possible to suggest that given the fact that the SSRC mandated the writing of the Somali language, and the Fannaanniin were the main custodians of Somali poetic creativity, the SSRC support was authentically developmental?

H: Perhaps, but there is more to this issue that you need to note. You see, within the first few weeks of the life of the SSRC, the esteemed composer, Hussein Aw Farah, brought forth a song, Ii sheek maxaanqoraa, Ii Sheek (Tell me what to write, tell me!). Next came the play Afqalaad aqoontu miyaa? (Is foreign tongue equivalent to knowledge?) by the equally glorious composer, Ali Suguleh. The real pressure for cultural renewal was coming from many artists, whether as celebrated individuals like Hussein and Ali or lesser figures who would emit a memorable line or two.

Artists of all types had become sick of the decay of civil life under the last civilian government. Once the change took place in late 1969, it triggered a national burst of creativity, and the SSRC was savvy enough to channel the intense feelings to suit the political moment. Consequently, the invitation was wide-open for composers, musicians, singers, and playwrights.

AIS: Many propose that from 1969–1978, Somali Fuun reached a new zenith. Is this a viable judgment?

H: Very much so! It was like no other time, certainly not since.

AIS: When did that momentum decline?

H: From my perspective, it was a problem of the leadership of the SSRC. Siyaad Barre’s initial star as a substantial new leader dimmed at three occasions. First was the moment in the mid-1970s when the

Somali Revolutionary Party (SRP) was created. Rather than being the dominant figure over the two-dozen or so military officers that made the SSRC, the SRP became a huge conglomeration that brought its own unmanageable dynamics and numerous interests—many difficult circumstances for any one person to control. Second, the day he signed off on the war with Ethiopia (1977), he took the regime another peg down.

Third, when the Somali army was defeated (1978) and Siyaad Barre did not offer his resignation to the nation, his legitimacy evaporated. By the way, if after the defeat, he solicited the advice of the Somali people as to where to go from there, I am confident that the vast majority would have blessed him to stay on. This is one of those rare moments that presents a rigorous test of leadership.

AIS: Given the above and the onset of national disappointment, how did the Fannaanniin react?

H: The level of awareness of what was happening was, naturally, uneven among us. I, for one, decided to send a line to the Chief of the National Security Service (NSS). It went like this: Aaway doobbigii xoorku dusha ka marayay, iyo dooggay warka noogu darayeen (Where is that large vessel brimming with fresh milk and the lush grass they had promised)? Soon, the boss of the NSS sent a stern word to me to the effect that if I did not stop such mischief, they would see to it that my high reputation among Somalis would be ruined. This was bullying, not hogaamis (leadership), a foreboding signal (calaamad) of what would become the trademark of the regime’s form of governance.

AIS: We now enter the decade of the 1980s. What were the memorable moments?

H: The overwhelming direction of Fuun composition became the lionization of Siyaad Barre. Increasingly, all institutions, including the SSRC, began to atrophy and their place was taken by an overblown Siyaadism. This profane personality cult drove many of us into internal exile. I, for example, decided to avoid reporting to work at the National

Theatre and did not collect my paycheck for two months. My dejection became so acute that, in 1983, I once again moved to the now Republic of Djibouti. In 1986, Siyaad Barre visited Djibouti City to meet with then Ethiopian ruler, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. Under the auspices of President Hassan Gulaid of Djibouti, the purpose was to reconcile the Somali Republic and Ethiopia. During one of the evenings, I had an encounter with Siyaad Barre. He inquired why I was living in Djibouti. I retorted that Djibouti was an old zone of comfort, the place that I had ventured from years ago to come to Mogadishu.

He suggested that I return with him, but I declined. Nonetheless, I gave him some advice, including rescinding the ill-advised state policy of burning qat farms in the North. I told Siyaad that the armed resistance to his regime outside of the country was numerically tiny. However, any further alienation of the citizenry, particularly the destruction of qat farms, would create an exodus to dissent politics. My sense is that he was not listening. I think he internalized the sycophantic praise that became the routine of official symbolic production to such an extent that he saw himself as a paragon of truth and wisdom—Aabihii garashada—as his retainers or the tribalists in Mogadishu sang in those years.

AIS: I assume that the deepening of regime illegitimacy and worsening conditions of civic life became an unavoidable preoccupation among the artists. Would you comment on this?

H: Waa run (It is true)! Two series of songs stood out. One was called Seenlay (given the name of the letter S). Scores and scores of Abwaan joined the effort, with each contributing a line. This started with the song line, Saxarlaay ha fududaan (Saxarlaay, don’t be berserk).

It reached the line, Dhulku waa sanqadhayaa, cagta saarimaynee, socodkeennu xeel iyo ha ahaado laba suul (the land is making noises, we will not put on our full feet, our walk should be clever and light on the toes). The end point of Seenlay was the symbolic presentation of a naxash (coffin)—the death of collective history! For some, the composition conjured up the need for a mobilization of serious resistance. The second was Deellay, whose impetus came from a poem authored by a man who was a member of the resistance group, the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF). In order to diminish the attraction of the poem, Siyaad Barre convened a number of major Abwaan.

Those included Gaariyeh, Yum-Yum, and Hadrawi. The President gave them a mandate to respond to the poem effectively to such an extent that it would be “run out of public circulation.” Gaariyeh, known for his mental quickness, was the first to pick up the challenge, right in front of “the old man.” Gaariyeh said, “Digdheh deelka maansada.” During the long circulation in the Somali-inhabited lands, many contributed.

This became a long composition, with multiple dimensions. Even I added a piece, with the concluding thought, Aan ka tashanno (Let’s deliberate together). My key point was to ask the nation that we leave the captain of the ship of state to do his work while the rest of us discuss, without violence, what to do next. Of course, you know now that such advice was not adopted and soon everything deteriorated from bad to worse and then to the worst of times.

AIS: Who were the most significant Fannaanniin at this time—in the decade of the 1980s? Whose moon was visible?

H: For composers, one would be, first, Hadrawi. Then there were Gaariyeh and Yum-Yum. But, of course one would have to also mention the long celebrated (from the beginning, decades ago) personalities such as the mighty Ali Suguleh, so creative and versatile. Whatever the occasion or the issue, Ali always brought forth a notable piece. He was endowed with the gift of matching poetic expression and the topic at hand. In any event, by the last years of the decade, the speed of the cascading social and institutional decomposition accelerated, with armed opposition engaging government troops on a number of fronts. By early 1991, Mogadishu itself exploded and the end of Siyaad Barre’s regime was complete.

AIS: But for you, the decision to get out of Mogadishu and the Somali Republic was made earlier, right?

H: Yes, as I said before, I left in 1983 for Djibouti.

AIS: Who were you working with in Djibouti at this time?

H: Everyone who was involved in serious fuun. You know, the Djibouti Fannaanniin and leaders have always been sweet to me—that is, cordial, hospitable and caring. At this time, Djibouti was already so different than Mogadishu: more peaceful, open, and congenial.

AIS: Who were the Somali cultural figures that received you so well in Djibouti? Could you name some of them?

H: There were a number of notable individuals. These included Mohamed Abdillahi Rerash, a man of intellectual distinction when it comes to Somali history and culture, the late Ibrahim Gadhleh, who was a master of Somali language and literature, Hassan Elmi, Aden Farah, Shibeen, and many more… .

AIS: How about the singers? Were there, at this time, Djiboutians who were recognized for the quality of their voices?

H: There were young and upcoming individuals but they were not regionally acclaimed persons yet.

AIS: The time from 1991 to the present, over sixteen years, has been described by some of us as the era of violent political squalor, with associational life and national institutions no more. What about fuun? What has become of it?

H: Somali fuun has had the same depressing fate—maybe even more difficulties! The supreme mode of the vast majority involved in fuun has been depressingly instrumentalist, a kind of, as Somalis aptly say, “working solely for one’s stomach.”

AIS: Are you saying that hardly anyone, in these sixteen years, has paid any attention to the national or collective agony?

H: Yes! Everyone witnessed the toxic developments and the subsequent demise of national identity. Yet, from my perspective, the national cause was deliberately cast aside. That is, Iyadoo la arkayo ayaa laga dhaqaaqay (Everyone saw clearly but decided to walk away).

AIS: So, parallel to the death of national political order was the evaporation of national fuun?

H: Affirmative! You must realize that patriotism (a love of one’s country, not chauvinism) and the awaking and flourishing of the spirit of fuun are directly linked. It seems to me that when one is destroyed, the other is drastically diminished. More than anything else, a fannaan is literally orphaned in such circumstances.

AIS: Now to some random and wide-ranging reflections. As you look back these past fifty or so years, since decolonization, and historically speaking, whom would you identify (according to your own taste and judgment) among the grandest of female singers?

H: There are many astounding women, and it is extremely difficult to name some and leave others behind. However, since you insist, I would name Maandeq and the late Magool. They were, to say the least, stupendous.

AIS: Could you comment on each?

H: Maandeq had, still has, the sweetest and most natural of voices; Magool, on the other hand, knew how to sing. The unrivalled raw talent was Maandeq’s gift but Magool excelled in the sheer effort of projecting her voice. The first was natural; the latter worked ever so hard at it. Here it is also important to mention Shamis Abokor, Gududo. She was a pioneer and remains a monument among the fannaanniin. More- over, there is the fantastic star, Asha Abdo. Besides in Somali, she could sing in Swahili and Arabic with equal gusto and effectiveness.

AIS: How about the male singers of national stature?

H: There are many here, too, and I am not comfortable in rank-ordering them. However, since you are insistent again (you are going to get me in trouble, Professor Ahmed!), here are a few names that are held in highest esteem among Somali communities around the world: Mohamed Suliman, Omer Duleh, Mohamed Mogeh, Mohamed Ahmed, and Shimbir come to mind. But Mohamed Suliman towers above all others in this way: he has the unique capacity to finish a long verse in a song without breaking his breathing rhythm. He has powerful lungs like the majestic Egyptian, Um Kulthum. In fact, you could light a matchstick and Mohamed Suliman, at his height, would not take a second breath until the whole stick burned out! Do you know how long that is? He is phenomenal!

AIS: How about the composers?

H: There are categories. On the composition of romantic songs, the late Mohamed Ali Kariyeh is preeminent. When dealing with weighty social and historical circumstances, Abdillahi Dhodan’s command of Somali language and poetic insight is in the same league as the legendary poets, such as Ragge Ugas and Qamaam Bulhan. Of course, Hadrawi and Yum-Yum are also leaders. Ali Suguleh distinguishes himself in creative flexibility—he could compose to fit the moment and the type of audience. As I said earlier, the late Hussein Aw Farah, among the greatest, had a talent for anatomizing important political questions with a combination of stylistic elegance and profundity. And then, of course, there is Hassan Sheikh Muumin.

Known for his ethical sensibilities and principled perspectives on the issues of the day, he goes down as Somali modern culture’s most discerning and merciless critic. He is not only a highly original dramatist, but he is also fearless. His play, Nebi Daayeer (The Prophet Monkey), during the tenure of Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, is one example of Muumin’s fortitude. Also, he is the only one who has the gift of creative fertility to compose a major play of two volumes.

AIS: What about Abdillahi Abdi Shubeh? Where does he fit in the pantheon?

H: Oh, my God! He was the most impressive of the composers when it comes to majaajil (poetic comedy). It is critical to note that this talent is rare and the competence in the Somali language that goes with it is most demanding. At the same time, he was a most delightful human being.

AIS: Among the many songs that you have composed, which is the one you judge to be the most significant?

H: I think most Somalis in the know have already weighed in on this. They believe, and I agree, that it is Uur Hooyo (Mother’s Womb). This was translated into English by the scholar of Somali language and literature, Professor Martin Orwin, of the London School of African and Oriental Studies.

Listen (2'49) to 'Urhoyo' performed by Hudeydi

Listen (2'06) to 'Ambaroodka', performed by Hudeydi and his daughter, Zeynab, at home in their own living room.

Listen (00'43) to Hudeydi describe the oud

Listen (29'52) to 'My Oud and I', an edition of Art Beat, BBC World Service, tx. January, 2003 which featured Hudeydi. The presenter/producer was Jenny Horracks

Source: BBC

Mother’s Womb

You, the abundant light

That my eyes graze on

Do not take me lightly

You who shared

My mother’s womb

You born of my father’s back

Who shared the breast

We weaned from the same

I shall never forget you

Two born of a father

Children who are brothers

Who, whatever occurs

Help and lend

Each other a hand

The soul is a pledge

At the time of my death

It’s you who’ll place me

In the grave, and your hand

Throw the final soil

My human inheritance

The one closest to me

The trials of the world

Have brought us apart

I cannot endure

Being on my own

I sway with melancholy

I’m no better off

Than a lone son.

AIS: When did you compose this?

H: In 1967.

AIS: Why did you create it?

H: My sisters, who were still living in Aden, had requested that the radio play for me an Arabic song by the Egyptian Mohamed Abdulwahab that focused on the value of brotherhood. When I heard this, I tried to find a Somali equivalent but to no avail. Consequently, I decided to author a Somali one for my younger brother. I had contributed to his upbringing and, hence, we had become very close.

AIS: You have been in London for how long?
H: It has been twelve years since you helped me to immigrate from Djibouti and find refuge in the United Kingdom.

AIS: What about your artistic work? Are you still performing? Is there still more juice left, as it were, in your creative engine (laugh)?

H: (A chuckle.) But of course! I continue, selectively, to play the oud. There are many invitations that come my way, from many lands, for Somalis are extremely fond of a serious oud performance. Moreover, I teach lessons every week. Professor Orwin is one of my students! As you can see, these two ouds in front of you accompany me wherever I go. This one next to you is always by my side—it is my qardhaas (amulet)! Your readers might be interested to note that I composed, in 2005, a piece that addresses the well-being of the whole earth, not just Somalia. Among the positive effects of an otherwise sorrowful diasporic experience is the potential to see oneself as not only a member of a new society (in my case, British) but, simultaneously, a citizen of the world. The piece is called Dhulka (Earth). It was translated by Professor Orwin.


Dhulka, dhulka, dhulka, dhulka

Qumbuladii haddii ay ku qarxayso

Dhagax la ridqay oo kaleetoo hadday ka dhigayso dhulka

Dhirtuna dhuxusha haddii ay noqonayso

ooy buuruhu dhalaalaan

Dhimbiil iyo caleen iyo dhuub iyo

Midna dhogor la arki maayo

Dheddigiyo labood, dheddig iyo labood

Midna dhaafi mayso

Dharaartaas wixii dhaca kii dhihi lahaa

Ayaa dhigay?

Iyo kii lagu dhigi lahaa

Midna dhaafi maayoo

Yaynan dhaxal wareeginaa, yaynaan dhaxal hamaaninaa

Yaynaan dhaxal wada dhimanin

Buuqiyaha ha kaga dhawaajinina

Qiyaamaha ha soo dhoweynina.


Earth

The earth, the earth, the earth, the earth

If the bombs explode

If they make of the earth

Pulverized stone

If trees become charcoal

If mountain glow

The spark, leaves and bark

Will no longer be seen

Nor any living creature

Male and female will not be spared

The one who asks

“Who did it?”

And the one who is asked

Will not be spared.

Let us not all be disinherited

Let us not all come to an end

Let us not all die together

Don’t make the trumpets sound

Don’t bring the Day of Judgment near.

AIS: In the diaspora, do you see much of your fanaaniin cohorts?

H: Yes, Fadumo Qassim, though much younger, is here and very attentive to my care. She is a charming singer and a compassionate person. Her son, Mohamed, is proving to be a talented musician. Maandeq lives in the city and I visit with her on occasion. Duneyo and Khadra Dahir are not too far, too.

AIS: What about the future of Somali fuun?

H: This is a horrid time and the future does not look good. The younger generations are caught up in the downside of the rootless diasporic situation. Though there are some already on the horizon who have good voices, there is little originality in either their compositions or tune-making. Perhaps this is one of the forms that the revenge of national destruction takes. It is cruel. For the fannaanniin of my generation, our hearts are heavy with sorrow that comes with the snap of our common history and, thus, the loss of rich cultural heritage and autochthonous social spaces for artistic inventiveness. But, I hasten to add, we have not given up. My teaching of the oud is one small initiative to counter the devastating effects of the defeat.

AIS: In these past sixteen years of national hard times, crystallizing in exile, are there any occasions that have given you uplifting memories?

H: Yes! You would remember these two: in 1995, you visited me in London. A small group of us, including the fabulous singer, Abdinoor Allaleh, spent a whole afternoon and three-quarters of the night going over some of the most alluring Qaraami songs. I felt exhilarated playing the oud and recording those melodies for you. Do you have that disk?

AIS: Certainly! It is in my study at home and I listen to it very frequently. It was an unforgettable day and night.

H: The other occasion is my formal visit to Macalester College in July of 2004. You invited me and, in a full and lovely musical hall, requested that I perform solo for the large audience. I was touched by the dignity of the two nights: a well-behaved, enthusiastic, and mixed audience, and a splendid stage. This occasion reminded me of that lost time when we Somalis were a people proud of the best of our artistic heritage and genius and, most importantly, knew how to honor the talented amongst us. Instrumentally playing the classic love melody, Beerdilaacshe (Liver slasher), by the magnificent Abdillahi Qarshe, brought unseen tears to my eyes. Oh, what two nights those were!

AIS: Last thoughts?
H: Ahmed, fuun is the mirror for and of society. At its best, fuun is divine—that is, beautiful and useful. It is the spiritual link between the human intellect and the surrounding reality. In this sense, fuun and politics are not strangers to each other.

To be sure, in my opinion, fuun is more existential than politics and, therefore, deals with other spheres of human life, as well as touches rare strings of emotion and sentiments that offer visceral consolation. Moreover, even here, the artistic imagination not only sharpens our viewing of the world but also presents us with possibilities of how to understand, speak about, dream about, and conduct our lives. The images through which these are conveyed depend on, primarily, the capaciousness of the fannaan’s endowment. However, gololol (metaphor, in the case of poetic composition) and laxan (with regard to music and voice) are paramount.

That said, then, mature fuun cannot totally avoid politics, particularly in Wakhtiga Culus (the heavy times). Those who assert that literature, culture, and politics never mix or ought not to interpenetrate (Isgal) are either nacasyo (idiots) or they have a hidden “political agenda” that they don’t want others to know about. The first are ignorable; the latter are at once dishonest and pernicious—a view and its correlative actions that demand from us consistent foojignaan (alertness) against it. In short, fuun is suitable for expressing aesthetic beauty and giving voice to collective aspirations for development that brings forth qayir (transformation). The greatest poet of Somali society in the post-colonial era,

Abdillahi Sultan, Tima’ade, typified both dimensions. In the case of the latter, he detected and warned us as early as the mid-1960s that a new craving for material things not earned was blunting, if not superseding, the daring, honorable, and creative mind and spirit of the Somali urban people. This was among the first signs of the now fully enveloping syndrome: psychotic and humiliating politics, torpor, and beggary.

Timaade summoned a different vision: order, reverence and justice. So, despite the horror of the age, I believe a fannaan can help restore some of the depleted spirit of a community. This, might I declare, is the task waiting for the few that still survive from my generation and certainly those who are coming after us. Perhaps you scholars and we fannaanniin could think of collaborating to both preserve Somali artistic excellence and work on the moral resuscitation of our ummad (people). I suspect that the wellsprings of scholarly talent and fannaannimo are not too dissimilar…

AIS: Not only are you a grand fannaan, but you have also spoken like a sage. Much obliged, Master Hodeide.

H: Thank you for the opportunity, Professor Ahmed!
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Notes

* Permission to reproduce the interview has been given by Bildhaan and Macalester College.

1. I have decidedly adopted the anglicized spelling of names and places. The exceptions are moments when the title of a composition and/or its full rendition is at stake. In these situations, I have followed the Somali orthography. Here, “x” is a substitute for “h” and “c” stands for the common Arabic letter ‘ayn.

2. For some details on Qarshe’s life, see Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan, “Interview with the Late Abdillahi Qarshe (1994) at the Residence of Obliqe Carton,” Bildhaan: An

International Journal of Somali Studies, Vol. 2 (2002): 65–83.

3. I can testify to the judgment of the three southern musicians. Decades ago, when I was a very young radio newscaster at the national network in Mogadishu, I had many occasions to witness both Hussein Banjuni and Ahmed Nagi play a variety of instruments.

They were enchanting, particularly with the oud. Last December (2007), while delivering papers and presentations during the 30th anniversary of the Somali Studies International Association, held at the city of Djibouti, I had the rare privilege of being invited to spend an afternoon and part of the evening (over seven hours) in the company of Daoud and other artists in the home of Abdinoor Allaleh. Though I had heard others speak about Daoud with some awe, this was my first direct encounter with him.

Abdinoor was kind enough to organize the affair. It highlighted what, in the form of a small private concert, was a gift recording of Abdinoor’s singing of classical Qarami songs and Daoud’s playing the oud. They were a superb combination. Daoud’s abilities were stunning—he would play the instrument with such an exceptional vigor and tantalizing suppleness that one was made to think as if one was listening to a mixture of traditional oud and electric guitar. There is no question in my mind that he is a fantastic player and stands out among his generation.

What a memorable time that was! The disk is now part of a collection that I listen to often and treasure. Finally, it is worth noting, too, that Daoud is also blessed with a clear, quasi-baritone and exquisite voice. To get a feel for both his oud mastery and voice, one should hear him and the legendary Maandeq singing together a famous song titled, Daalo.

Source: Hiiraan.com


]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=613 Sun, 7 Dec 2008 02:00:55 +0000 Dukaankaygu sow nabadda ma iibiyo? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=612 Cabdillaahi Cawed Cige, Liverpool UK edleh@hotmail.com Dukaankaygu sow nabadda ma iibiyo?
Maalintii la ii keenay waxa aan mooday in ay miridh kasta wax noqon karto. Waxa la iigu dhiibay kartuush si cad loogu muujiyay ‘Walax jabi og, fadlan dhankan u taag’. Tabtii la iigu sheegay, ee aan farriinta meesha ku qoranna ka akhriyay ayaan kartuushkii u qotomiyay.
Habeenkii koowaad ee kartuushkaasi u hoydo dukaankayga il iyo baal isuma keenin, waan werweray, aroortiina neef weyn baa iga soo boodday markaan hubsaday inuu weli halkiisii yaallo oo sidii kor ugu jeedo. Habeenkii xigay tabtii oo kale, oo kii xigay, oo toddobaad iyo mid kale, iyo bil iyo sannad iyo sannado badan, kartuushkii halkiisii uun buu soo yaallaa, kor u jeedaa, waxba kuma kordhaan waxna kama dhacaan.

Aroortii dambe ayaa waxa booqasho kedis ah iigu yimi Fajac, oday aannu weligayo jaar ahayn se aan meheradda sidii aan u furay food soo gelin. Waa Fajac oo naaxay, aad u naaxay, kolkii hore inuu bararay ayaan mooday, markii se aan neefneefsigiisa iyo kelyaha xaydhu haraacyaynayso arkay ayaan gartay sida xaajo tahay, ninkuba wuxuu la cifanayaa baruur.

“Waar Daahir bal warran?” ayuu cod dirqi kaga soo baxay igu bariidshay, oo kadinkii dukaanka isku soo maqiiqay.
“Waa nabad Fajac ee soo dhaaf”
“Oo maxaan soo dhaafaa meeshu waa cidhiidhiye, maxaad albaabka intan le’eg meheradda ugu samaysay?” ayuu isaga oo hadba sin kadinkii ku soo jujuubaya yidhi. Waxa aan ku sigtay inaan idhaahdo ‘adigu maxaad sidaas ugu naaxday? Sow tan magaaladu wada caatada engegan ah, ma guurti baad noqotay?’ Haddana kuma aan dhicin, waxa aan is idhi ninkaas macmiisha cusub ah ha iska eryin, waxa kale oo aan ka werweray in aan nabadda dukaanku hayo waxyeelleeyo.

“Soo fadhiiso Fajac” ayaan ku idhi oo caagad kuwa saliidda ah oo ii kursi ahayd uga kacay.
“Waar miyaan meesha kursi kuu oollin?” ayuu igu yidhi.
“Maya, laakiin jawaan baan dhulka kuu gogli karaa”
“Sidaas baa la qaatay” intuu yidhi ayuu isaga oo gacantiisa midig cuskanaya sidii dayuuradihii Ruushka ee taangiyada waaweyn qaadi jiray si laxaad leh, se hab iyo maamul ka muuqdo dhulka u badhi dhigtay.

Uuuuf! Naqas baa iga soo booday, in odaygaas dhulka ku sii socdaa habaas kiciyo oo habaaskaasi nabadda kartuushka shelefka saaran ku jirta waxyeelleeyo ayaan ka baqayay, ma se dhicin. Mijin xun oo baarixi u eg ayuu docda kala soo baxay oo halkan barbarkiisa ah ku daadsaday. Intii uu meesha fadhiyay qof keli ahi dukaanka ma soo gelin kolka laga reebo gabadh xarragoonaysa oo afka iyo wejigaba casaysatay oo intay soo gashay xammuurad, diyaana iyo qasil i weydiisay, markaan idhi ma hayona degdeg u baxday.

“Ma Xaraf baan ku arkay mise Hargeysa Kilaab?” ayuu aniga oo aan fahmin waxa uu ujeedo i weydiiyay. Aniguna baqdin aan ka qabo in aan nabadda waxyeelleeyo awgeed ayaan ku idhi: “Labadaba”

Beryahaas odaygu i bartay ayaa laba yaryar oo ciyaal ahna la igu salliday. Dukaanka kadinkiisa iyaga oo ku gabbanaya ayuun baan maalinwalba arkaa. Maalintii dambe ayaan meel rukun ah ugu gabbaday oo mid ka mid ah dhab siiyay. Qaylo ayuu ka tolay.

“Maxaa dukaankayga kugu salliday?” markaan idhi, “bisadda soo gashay ayaannu eryanaynay” ayuu iigu warceliyay. “Aabbahaa iyo bisaddaba kud ee maalin dambe haddii aan dukaankayga kadinkiisa kugu qabto waad arki doontaa” ayaan ugu hanjebay oo sii daayay.

“Way inoo tahay” ayuu iigu hanjebay isna. Armuu dayuuskaas yari nabadda waxyeelleeyaa, ayaan ku fekeray. Waa Fajac haddana, wuu sii naaxay, intii toddobaad ka hor aan ku ogaa saddex laabkeed ayuu le’eg yahay, waar sidaas maxaa ka dhigay ayaan is idhi.

“Waar Daahirow bal warran?” ayuu igu bariidshay.
“Nabad weeye Fajac” waxa aan ka yaabay jawaanka qaadi doona ee uu mijintiisa dayuusadda ah ku cuni doono maanta.
“Waar sidani si maaha ee meheradda laba ferdedood ka dhig” ayuu talo igu siiyay. Oo ma adigaa macmiil laba ferdedood ka soo gashaba haysta, muxuu kaa waalayaa tolow.

Maalintaas dukaanka kadinkiisa ayuu iskaga qayilay, aniguna arrinkii labada ferdedood ayaan aad uga fekeray. Sidani si aan ku jiri karo maaha, haddii uu Fajac booqashada badiyo, maalinwalbana baruur hor lihi sii fuusho, miyaad jawaan debedda loo dhigo ku wadi karaysaa? Sow arrintaasi nabadda waxyeellaynmayso? Hammigaas aniga oo maskaxdayda ku kobcinaya ayaa labadii dayuus ee yaryaraa halkaas ka soo muuqdeen. Waa la jabay, dukaanka kadinkiisu wuu furan yahay, haddii ay dalaq yidhaahdaan oo halkaas nabaddu saaran tahay toos u abbaaraan sow meeshaas ceebi ka dhicimayso, ka hor tag ayaan go’aansaday. Dhenged halkan iigu tiirsan ayaan la balaw idhi oo ciyaalkii cagta cagta u saaray. Cabbaar markaan eryay ee Oryantalka weydaariyay ayaan iskaga soo hadhay.

“Waar maxaa kula haaday?”
“Kuwaas yaryar ee dayuusiinta ah ayaa i ogaaday oo aan dukaanka ka eryayaa”
“Dee bisaddooda usoo saar”
“Bisaddee?”
“Tii dukaanka gashay”
Waar odaygu miyuu waashay, oo sowdigii kadinka eegayay maaha ma bisad baa ku dhaaftay. Waar wuu indhadarreeyay odaygu.
“Adeer bisadi inama dhaafin”
“Jaw, wallaahay dukaankay ku jirtaa”
Waa la ba’ay, haddaa nabaddii go’day. Intaan hararaf idhi ayaan dukaankii isku shubay mise wallaahay bisad barabaro leh oo dhako buuran ayaa shelefkii nabaddu saarrayd dul yuururta.

Qaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaq budh halkan ii yaallay ayaan kula haliilay oo is idhi madaxa dhalfiifaha kaga dhig, oo waa bisade way ii jartay, oo aan nabadda agteedii ku bashaaqiyay. Naxdin baa wadnihii iskay taagi gaadhay.

Miyaaaw! Halkaas meel ah ayay indho guluub shidan la moodo igaga soo ifisay. Budhka kula kac ayaan ka fekeray, misna xusuustay ceebtii aan meesha ka dhigi gaadhay. Wax aan sameeyo aniga oo garan la’ ayuu Fajac oo debedda fadhiyaa ii dhawaaqay:
“Waar Daahir maxaa ku helay ee aad la sanqadhaysaa?”
“Fajacow waa bisaddii oo aan isleeyahay dukaanka ka saar”
“Waar bisaddu jiirka meesha ka soo galay bay eryanaysaa ee iska daa oo soo fadhiiso”

Fajac fajac badanaa, ma jiir baa dukaankayga ku jira. Aniga oo yaabban ayaan iska soo fadhiistay. Kolkaan salka dhigay ayaa bisaddii oo soconaysaa i dhaaftay. Markay dukaanka rukunkiisa ka sii leexanaysay ayay isoo eegtay, wejigeeda waxa aan ka akhriyay ‘dayuus wallee waanan kaa neefin ilaa aan jiirkayga dukaankaaga kala soo baxo’, aniguna in aan afgartay waxa ay ujeeddo oo aanan cid nabadda waxyeellaysa oggolayn ayaan indhaha uga sheegay.

Sidii aan ka baqayay Fajac booqashadiisii way igu badatay, aakhirkii waxa ay noqotay in aan ninkan odayga ahi debedda ku qayili karin maalinwalba, aniguna dukaanka iyo nabadda baylihin karin, sidaas aawadeed in albaabka ferdedihiisa la kordhiyo ayay ka fursanweyday.

Ceeb kale ayaa dhacday, odaygii Fajac wuu sii naaxayaa uun, ilaa maalintii dambe ay kelliftay in albaabkii labada ferdedood ahaa afar laga dhigo, afartiina lix laga dhigo, lixdiina siddeed, siddeeddiina toban ilaa dukaanka wajahaddiisii oo dhammi albaab noqotay. Bal haddaba waa taase yaa nabaddii kartuushka ku jirtay isha ku haynaya?

Galabtii dambe goor casar ah oo aan maalintii oo dhanna dukaanka fadhiyay ayaa Fajac oo oday kale oo isna buuran wataa ii yimi.

“Daahirow bal warran?”
“Waa nabad Fajac”

“Ninkanna waa saaxiibkay Amankaag, waa xoghayaha gaarka ah ee guddoomiye ku xigeenka kow iyo tobnaad ee golaha guurtida” ayuu hadal muujinaya in odayga kalena meel loo goglo iigu akhriyey. Maxaa aniga iyo xoghaye isu soo kaaya arkay, oo sow annagan odaygii guurtida uun ahaa isla liidanna maaha, haddii xoghaye yimaaddo sow guddoomiyena berri soo raacimaayo, oo maalinta xigtana odayadii oo dhammi imanmaayaan, miyaan dukaanka shaqadiisa, ilaalinta nabadda iyo marxabbaynta odayada isugu taag helayaa? Ma nin intaas oo meelood ka wada hoora baan ahay? Anigu ma gu baan noqon karayaa? Waar adeer xays aan iska ahaado marna da’a marna la waayo ee gu aanan biyihiisa iyo baaxaddiisa midna keenayn ha igu dirqiyina. Bal se si uun bay noqonne horta labadan iska sii debber baan is idhi.

“Amankaag, soo dhowow adeer” intaan odaygii bariidinayay ayaan arkay bisaddii aannu is haynay oo iyana bisad kale soo kaxaysatay oo dukaanka soo gelaysa; “Ii yara kaadsha” intaan odayadii ku idhi ayaan dhankii bisadaha isu sii daayay. Bal ammuurtan kaalaya, bisaddii awel markay i aragto taw odhan jirtay ayuun baa isku soo kay mutuxday. Naftaydii ayaanba u baqay, waar adeer maxaa si ah. Odayadii baan dib usoo jalleecay, waxa aan maqlay Fajac oo i xamanaya:

“Ninku waa nin wanaagsan, laakiin xilkan dheeraadka ah ee uu nabadda aan cidina muraad ka lahayn iska saarayo ayaa wareeriyay” ayuu ku yidhi Amankaag.
“Oo imika xagguu u orday?”
“Labadaas bisadood ee dukaanka soo galay ayay mid is hayaan, maalmahaasba way isugu jirtay, kolkaas iyagii buu ku ordayaa”

“Oo maxaad arrinta wax uga qabanweyday sow nabadgelyada waxyeelimayso?”
“Nabadgelyadu imika waa taam oo shuqashuqaynta waxba kuma noqoto, haddii aan dakhar ku dhicin oo aan lagaga dhiijin ruxmimayso, haddii ay ruxmiweydona risiqeennu wuxuu gelayaa futo jiir iyo cadaad. Sidaas aawadeed nabadgelyo niik caarak, ha iska futo xumaatee waxa ay u baahan tahay in la qaawiyo oo meeshan uu ku khabbaynayo debedda laga soo dhigo” ayuu ku dooday Fajac.
“Waan gartay, oo waxa aad leedahay ninkani nimankii hore bahasha waa kaga fara adag yahay?”
“Waar waa nin aan la qabsan xeerarka nabadda, wuxuu u haystaa inay nabaddu beed tahay, sidaas uun buu u koolkoolinayaa, inay ka dhacdo wax aan ka jecelahay wallaahay baanay u jirin, bisaddaas ayaan is lahaa way soo ridi doontaa kartuushka xun oo iyana waa mid segegerad ah, inay muruudka fadhiya masaajidka weyn wax isu yihiin baan u haystay ee bahashuba waa reer sariibadoole, bal aan ta ay maanta soo kaxaysatay eegno”

Waxa ay ku hadlayaan oo dhan waan maqlayaa. Oo ninkan Fajac waxa aan u haystay oday weyn oo macruuf ah oo aniga wax ila wadee, oo ninku inuu nabadda ila ilaalinayo ayaan u haystaye, waar bal hooggan kaalaya.
Halkaas marka xaalkaygii marayay ayaa talo igu caddaatay. Nabaddii oo halis ku jirta, bisadihii oo aan iga baqaynba, iyo odayadii oo gadhku gadhka aad moodday maaha igu noqday. Talo ayaan doondoonay, bisadaha la heshii ayaan ku goostay.

“Naa heedhe bisadyahay inaadeer haddii aynu is afgaranno ka warran? Kalluun juuna la yidhaahdo oo wallaahay macaankiisa aad dhegaha qiiq ka keenayso ayaan kuu hayaa, bal ka warran haddii aynu heshiis saxeexanno?”

“Waxba kama qabo, laakiin waa inaad saaxiibaddayna xisaabta ku dartaa”

Waar heedhe billee bad isku faruurtay, oo awel heshiis bisado iyo dad dhexmaray hore ma u maqashay? Oo maxaa kaa galay wixii nabaddu ku badbaadayso yeel.

“Waa hagaag, adiga iyo saaxiibaddaaba heshiis baynu yeelanaynaa, kalluun baana idiin qoran idinkuna nabadda kartuushkaas ku jirta ila ilaaliya”

Waxba kama qabno intay igu yidhaahdeen ayay markay dhawr qasacadood oo kalluun ah ka saareen miiskii dukaanka iska dul seexdeen. Dhankaas dhan dheh. Halkaas markaan xal ka gaadhay oo aan is idhi nabaddii dhinacaas waa ka nabad ayaa cillad kale soo korodhay, ciyaalkii oo intii hore ka soo batay ayaa yimi.

“Adeerayaal maxaa doonaysaan” ayaan ku idhi intaan qaar kala hor tegay, awel dhagac bay odhan jireen maanta se waa isa soo mutuxeen, col kaa shax waar yaa kaa dammiinta.

“Bisadahayaga ayaannu doonaynaa”
“Dee heshiis baannu bisadaha kala saxeexannay”
“Heshiis annaga la’aantayo soconaya oo bisaduhu geli karaan baan jirin” Talo ayaa iga kala duushay, yaryarku biqimaayaan, bisadihiina way dhergeen oo iimaba jeedaan, odayadiina jaadkii baa ku duxay oo go’aankii ay kalfadhiga 125aad la tegi lahaayeen oo aan weli la isku waafaqin ayay ku murmayaan. Waxaas oo dhanba wax baa ka daran, dukaanku imika waa waddo halaq oo kadinkii yaraa ee aan ilaalin jiray maaha, albaabkiisu mid aan cidba ka celin karo maaha, nabaddii waa taas bannaanka taal.

Adigu xiniinyo wixii igaga hadhay, intii bisadaha iyo odayadu iga saareen maahee, ayaan isku buuray oo yaryarkii heshiis la galay, nacnac joogto ah inay leeyihiin baannu isku raacnay. Waxa se arrintaas iga raacday waqdhac weyn, kun ciyaal ah ayaa meeshii isugu yimi oo wada macaandoon ah. Arrintaasi waxa ay ka cadhaysiisay bisadihii oo iyaguna kun bisadood oo kale keenay. Xaalkii wuxuu noqday halis, in nabaddu faraha ka baxdo ayaa xaajo ku sigatay.

Meeshu waa dukaankaygii. Arrimaha maamulkiisa aniga ayaa iska leh. Magan wixii ii ah sida nabaddaas kartuushka ku jirta in aan ilaaliyo, dhiiggayga u huro, u dagaal iyo dedaal galo waa xil i saaran. Haddaba waxa aan idiin sheegayaa bisado iyo ciyaalow ii dhaafa dukaankayga inta aanay nabaddu faraha ka bixin.

“Waar arrintan annaga ayaa Daahirow dhexgelayna ee nagu daa” ayay Fajac iyo Amankaag si wadajir ah u yidhaahdeen.

“Idinku nimanka dunida igu kharribay baad tihiin, ma nimankiinna dukaankaygii albaabka keli ah ee aan ilaashan karo lahaa intaas le’ekaysiiyay baa maanta talo kale iisoo jeedinaya? Wallaahay waashmaan baan qoranayaa in aan ciyaal iyo bisado toona soo dhowaanayn”

Taladaydii ayaan ku socday. Oday idaacadda Hargeysa Ingiriiskii qoray oo afaf badan ku hadla, laakiin imika asaasaqay oo weli in Ingiriis boqortooyo ballaadhan yahay u haysta, oo had iyo jeer kanaalkii Suweys iyo Naasir aan kaala dhammaanayn, se waashmaannimada aad ugu wanaagsan oo golihii murtida iyo madadaalada ee Muqdisho ilaalin jiray ayaan iska qortay. Xisaabtaba kuma darin in ciyaalku bisadaha eryan doonaan, bisaduhuna dukaanka dhex yaaci doonaan, odayguna duq dhacaya yahay oo turunturroon doono. Miridhkii ugu horreeyay ee uu shaqada bilaabay ayaa bisad xumi mid ciyaal ah u hanjebtay, isna wuu kula booday, halkaasay ka qaraxday, ilaahay baan ku dhaartee meeshaas waxa siigo iyo galaayuus ka dhacay waxa aad moodays seyladdii hilibka ee Hargeysa.

Bisadihii iyo ciyaalkii waxa u dagantay guul aanay filaynba, kibir bay sii qaadeenba. Bisadihii waxa ay yidhaahdeen annagu hilibkan kalluunka ee qasacadaha ku huuray ma rabno, waa in kalluun nool oo boodboodaya oo aannu inta aanaan cunin eryanno naloo keenaa. Ciyaalkiina waa ka sii dareen, nacnac dambe oo aannu aqbalaynaa ma jiro ayay yidhaahdeen, waa in xalwad joogto ah nala siiyaa, Jimce kastana shaaglaydh dhooqo u eg Yurub na looga doonaa. Arrimahaasi wax aan qaadan karo way noqonwaayeen, nabadda in halis la geliyo ma oggoli.

Talo kale ayaan goostay. Waxa aan samaystay ilaalo hub fiican oo wax dila sidata. Si kale oo nabadda lagu ilaalin karo ayaa ii muuqanweyday. Konton ninka ugu liitaa axmaq shiishka yaqaan yahay ayaan soo qortay. Dukaankii oo dhan baan ku xeeray.

Ceeb kale ayaa se dhacday, in dalka oo dhammi wada ciyaal iyo bisado yahay xisaabtaba kuma darin. Aroortii dambe ayaan ku toosay dukaanka iyo agaagaarkiisii oo dhan oo wada ciyaal iyo bisado ah. Ilaaladii oo aan awelba ku ogaa geesinnimo ayaa iyana derbiyadii dukaanka qoryahoodii la fuulay. Fajac iyo Amankaag oo jaadkoodii iska cunaya ayaa iyaguna xiisadda meesha ka oogantay ku war helay, talo gabowday ayay iisoo jeediyeen:

Intaan labada dhegood faraha geliyay ayaan ilaaladii ku amray inay ciyaalka iyo bisadaha shaqo ka qabtaan. Rasaas aan la isu miidaan deyin ayaa hawadii oo dhan qabsatay. Show bisadaha rasaasta lalama helo, ciyaalkii adigu askaxooda ayaannu gurray laakiin bisadihii dayuusiinta ahaa rasaastii lala waa. Sidii ilaaladii, wixii ciyaalkii ka hadhay iyo bisadihii, oo aan mid qudhi wax ka noqon, isu baacsanayeen ayaa rasaastii naga go’day, waar illayn hoog lama qarsado. Tii aan ka baqayay ayuun baa dhacday. Ciyaalkii iyo bisadihii oo isbaacsanaya ayaa dukaankii isla soo daf yidhi. Anigana taladaydii waxa ay noqotay kartuushkii nabaddu ku jirtay uun beegso.

Amankaag baa la isugu kay keenay markaan arkay bisadihii oo aan kartuushkaba u jeedin iyo ciyaalkii oo bisadaha uun eryanaya. Sidii la isu daba meeraysanayay ayaa bisadihii oo midwaliba jiir naaxay, oo aad wallaahay Fajac oo dhal ah mooddid, sidataa dukaankii ka fushay, ciyaalkii wixii ka noolaana mid iyo bisad ayay tuurta ugu qaateen. Waxa isku soo hadhay anigii oo fajacsan, Fajac oo fajacsan, Amankaag oo amankaagsan iyo kartuushkii oo gees u ciiray.

“Waar bal nabaddii aan ka wardayo” ayaan labadii oday ku idhi oo kartuushkii furay mise nag. Waa madhan yahay. Waxa aan kula dhacay qoorta mise konton dalool oo jiirkii naaxay ee bisaduhu qaateen ku sameeyay ayaa ka furan.

Waxa aan aad ula yaabay oo weli madaxayga ka degi la waxa nabaddii aan dukaankayga ku hayay ee ilaalinayay ku dhacay.

“Waar Fajac xaggaad u malaynaysaa inay u digarogatay?” ayuu Amankaag weydiiyay Fajac.

“Horta aan u xiiqtirtee i sug. Kollay waxkasta oo dhaca nin Daahir uga lexejeclo badan helimaynee”

Wax alla wax ay isweydiinayaan ma aan garan, mid se waan hubaa oo nabad waxa ay ka tashanayeen ma ay ahayn. Col kaa shax waar maxay bahashu soo jeed iyo werwer i badday, oo sow waxa aan dukaankaba u furtay hawl aan dhammaanayn.

Xus: Maandooriyuhu degdegga uu maanka u doorin karaa waxa ay ku xidhan tahay xaddigiisa, qaabka uu yahay, iyo barta uu dhiigga maskaxda qabanaya ka raaco. Haddii uu qiiq yahay wuxuu raacayaa hawada la falgasha dhiigga wadnuhu tuuro, haddii uu yahay mid dareere ah oo lagu muday xidid dhiiggu xawdaa hayo wuxuu raacayaa dhiiggii. Haddii uu yahay mid lagu muday goob u dhow xidid maskaxda toos ugu xidhan, sida dareemayaasha sanka gudihiisa ku yaal, wuxuu maanka u istaadhayaa si degdeg ah. Nooc kasta oo uu yahay xaraaraddiisu way kacdaa, soo na degtaa. Siyaasadda, qabyaaladda iyo nabaddu ma u malaynaysaa inay qaabkaas oo kale u tarmaan, wax u dhimaan, waxna u anfacaan?


©ccc2008
Cabdillaahi Cawed Cige, Liverpool UK edleh@hotmail.com
]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=612 Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:19:32 +0100 Yaa Qalay Adoogay? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=607

Walaal, kaalmee agoonta!
Sheekadan waxa qoray wiil yaraa ee agoon ahaan jiray. Waxa loo hibeyn, lagu na maamuusi agoonta Soomaaliyeed.
_____________


SOODHOWEYNTII MEYTIDA

Absuge, agoonki Cabbeey Makaraan, haddii gadaal uu dib ugu noqdo carruurnimadii, waxa uu soo gocanayaa codkii hooyadii arooryada Khamiisaha ay isaga ugu digi jirtay.
"Maandhow biriga waa Khamiis. Meytadii aa na soo haysa. Guriga ciyow wada haaq oo biyo na ku bilbil."

Dabadeed hooyodii waxa ay aadi jirtay suuqa si ay uga soo iibsato waxyaabo kasta ee loogu baahnaan karay in cambuulo lagu sammeeyo -- sida digir, lamma kabbo oo sariir macsar ahayd, murxo buneed, kiilo sonkor, caleem shaahi, qorfo iyo heyl, jaawi… iyo alaabo kale. Maalmaha qaarkood, gooraha qaar, mararka ay faraxsanan tahay, waxa ay Absuge ugu qaadi jirtay "digri" ay ka soo baratay Siyaaradii Buubaaye Aw Makanne.
Anbuulaa galleey la tuummi
diireey ki ma'adehee;

maneey dhaaysi [subag] eey leheen
dhammaanteed dhagaanjiyaay….

Lix jir oo kale ayuu ahaa; ama se waa uu kaba sii yaraa. Isagu na si aabbehiisii ka geeryooday uu ugu soo dhoweeyo baraako kabkab ahayd; waxa uu aadi jiray Carragaduudda (meel berigeedii loo yaqaannay Dhiigtaarreey: waa meesha maanta ay dhacdo xaafadda Xamar Bile); Carragaduuddu se sidaas ugama sii fogeyn gurigooda; mararka qaarkood dhowr jeer ayuu ba iskaga daba laaban jiray si uu ciid kale uga keeno.

Intii tabartiisa ahayd ayuu god yar yaanbo ku faagan jiray; ciidgaduudda na maroogsin ayuu ka soo buuxsan jiray. Madaxa saar ee la dhiikacso! Sidii qof wareersan waxa uu hadba geesaha ula dalanbaabbiyo ba; gurigii ayuu dib u soo tiigsan jiray; badanaaba, waxa uu iman jiray iyada oo ayan hooyo weli ka ba soo laaban suuqii Wardhiigley. Ciiddaas cusboon ayuu dhulkii ku kebbisi jiray.

Absuge yaraantiisii kama uusan qaloon ama cabsoon jirin weydiimaha ku saabsanaa Eebbe Weyne, Nabow Maxamed, geerida, wedka, sheekh, shariif, xer, aw, khaliif, suufi, macallin, kabiir -- iyo waxa dadku ay ugu yeeri jireen, "geeri-gacan-dheer": cirfiid ka soo baxaya qabrigii lagu duugay ee cawooyinka dibadaha u meehannaabaya si uu u helo qof uu dhiigga ka miirto. Waxa uu is weydiin jiray in aabbehii ahaa marsoobbaxa la sheegayay ba iyo in kale? Weydiintan keliya ayuu dadka ka ba reeban jiray. Malaha ma aan uu doonayn in carruurtu ku caydo dadcunnimada aabbehiis? Aabbe dhintay? Aabbe bahaloobay?

NIMANKII KHAMIISAHA IMAN JIRAY

Fiidaddowga maalmaha Khamiisaha, habeenada Jimcooyinku ay soo geli lahaayeen, waxa gurigooda iman jiray laba wadaad iyo nin geeryooday. Shii Xanfar, indhool ayuu ahaa; Absuge ayaa ba ul kagaga soo hongeyn jiray aqal hoorri ahaa ee ugu oollaa buuladii Buur Hindi; iyo Macallin Fatuuro, nin aad u dhallin yaraa. Ninka dhintay waa Absuge aabbihii: waalid isaga wiilkiisii ba ay si uun u kala dahsoonaan jireen.

Hayeeshee labada wadaad af uusan garanayn ayay cabbaaro ku wada daldalmi jireen. Waa dambe ayuu Shii Xanfar weydiiyay afka ay ku wada heesayeen isaga iyo Macallin Fatuuro. Cutushkii ayaa u sheegay in uu ahaa Qur’aan iyo Manaaqib. Si baas ayuu se ugu sii qeexay.
"Leey ilaaha, sallalaahu wassallim! Hees maahin! Waa afkii Ilaahey. Waa warka keliya aas adoogaa haddaan kuu kasi karo bo."

"Adoogeygi af Soomaali ma kasaayo miyaa?"
"Afka dadka dhantay waa Khur'aan jaw."
"Khuraan? Khuraanka af maashee waaye?"

"Heeh! Heeh! Waryaa Khuraanka afkii Ilaaheey waaye! Af Carawi waaye!"
"Aabbehay af Carawi ma yakhaannaa?"

"Heey, nabee! Waa yakhaan. Waryaa! Siis u kaseynin? Khureyshti aas bo Janno la joogaahe!"
"Habartayne iida af Carwiga ma takhaan?"

Macallin Fatuuro ayaa wiilkii ku afjigay, "Arrooy! Ma habartaa? Yaa iida maa wili dhimatay hee? Xaadse geeri ugu saraadee, hiindadaa? Qumayahow!"

Absuge oo argagaxsanaa ayaa weydiiyay, "Sidee ku barateen afka Ilaahey? Adii iyo Shii Xanfar ma horaad u dhimateen? Ma lamma cirfiidaad tihiin?"

Cabbaarkaas goortii la marayay, macalinkii oo xanaaqsanaa ayaa Absuge dhoorkii dheeraa kaga dhegay, kolkaas na sidii ari Carbeed u jiiday, ula na dhowaaday bowd uu qariyay geedka saarsaarka la yiraahdo. Dhowr serbi inta uu ka soo goostay, iskugu na wada soohay sidii dawliga ceelkii, ayuu wiilkii haragga kaga siibay. Cod karaamo awnimo watay ayuu se ku qanciyay hooyo Biyood oo aad uga carootay dilka loo geystay agoonkeedii. Si ayan Biyood uga xummaan waxa uu ka raariday in wiilkeedii Sheydaan ka dhex hadlayay.

"Ma cunug agoomahaan gacantaydaan u quuraa? Waxaan tumaayay ba waa shaydaanu rajiimiye," ayuu Aw Fatuuro cod naxariis laga dareemi karay ku yiri.
Oday Xanfarkii uu Absuge usha u sidi jiray na waxa yiri, "Wallaahi, tallaahi, leey ilaaha sallalaahu! Fatuuroow. Ba'awga wili si oo faaylan u sii nig dhaw!"

Dhawaaqii Shii Xanfar waxa uu maankii Biyood u tebiyay farriimo gacmaheeddii ka dhigay nacabkii u labaddibleyn lahaa wadaad u oomanaa dhiigga wiilkeedii. Hooyo si mintid ahayd ayay ugu qabqabatay, ugu na dhigaysay halgaadihii Aw Fatuuro uu Absuge ku jiidi-jiidii lahaa.Balowgii ayaa ka dhammaaday, wiilkii. Absuge se, waa ku ayaankaas! Nasiib badnayaa se!
Haddiiba waxa gurigii mar soo wada galay adeer Faralle, adeer Jeesgooye, iyo adeer Diraac. Buuqii ka dhacay lagama wada sheekeyn karo. Ogow se, Aw Fatuuro dib dambe in uusan u imaan karin gurigaas ayaa si cad loogu sheegay.

UURKUTAALLOOYIN

Hal wax ayuu Absuge weligiiba se dareensanaa. Aabbehiisii loogu sheegay in uu guriga wax ka joogay ayuu intaas u cabanayay. Warcelin yar na kama uu helin. Waxtar na kama helin. Ciidan na kama helin. Dadnimo na kale, taas haba sheegin. Waxba isuma ayan ba ahayn. Aabbehaas dhintay. Absuge waxa uu ka qoomameeyay ciiddii uu dartii u soo qoday, u na soo daldalay… iyo gurigii uu awgii u hagaajiyay ba. Abbe wax-ma-tare ahaa.

Mid kale na dareen ayuu u lahaa. Lama taaban karin ilmo adeer Jeesgooye. Lama maagi karin ilmo adeer Faralle. Sidoo kale, ilmo adeer Diraac. Ilmo adeer Yoolac, kuwaas yaa ba agtooda isku mari karay. Waa aabbeyaal dhaba ahaa. Waa abbeyaal noolaa. Meel xawaalo la yiraahdo na ilmahooda, hal maalin na, kagama ayan soo baadi jirin.

MOODDO GEERIDA KU SAABSAN

Haayoo dhimashadu ba waagaas waxa uu u moodi jiray "diiq geeryoonayay oo kale; wedka na, Oday Duurdaye oo kale". Odaygan, malaha, waa Soomaaliga dhabta ah ee Absuge uu weligii ba arkay. Duurdaye. Soomaali run ahaa. Duurdaye, si ka duwan sidii Absuge hooyadii, marrehii Shii Xanfar iyo awsaantii [digri-salaankii] Macallin Fatuuro ba, -- ama si loogu wada fahmo sida ugu wada wanaagsan: afkii Ilaahay -- waxa uu kaga sii kalsoonaan jiray faalkii Bucur Boordeel, iyo xiddigiskii Maaxi Mayow, iyo dhaawgii Siiddii Tarashle. Jinni iyo jaan sixir lagaga xijaabo adeegsiga suuligiisii cusubaa, Tarashle ayaa Duurdaye ku yiri,

"Orgi raaya-dheeraa waa iniid baarlawaanka [suuliga] u khashid; haddii taaseeti ka bihi karinne, diiqoo ne allaa ka dhigee, muqsusha inii dhiiggoo luwu bafiyo [rusheeyo] waaye."
Sidaas daraaddeed, maalin maalmaha ka mid ahayd, Oday Duurdaye waxa uu doonayay musqushiisii cusbayd in uu diiq ugu waqdhaacimo.

Waxa ahayd lix-jirkii Absuge kahor. Berigaa isaga ahaa, berigaas dhiigga la qubi lahaa, ayuu Absuge la kulmay Oday Duurdaye oo weli u middi sahanayay si uu diiq-dooro u bireeyo. Markii ugu horreysay noloshiisa ayuu arkay diiq madaxbeelay oo iskaga daba wareegayay sidii in uu ka caweynay goob shabashabo.

Laakiinse, haddana waxa uu arkay isla haddiiba sida biyo karkarayay haddana loo dhex kuday, dabadeed na baalashii lagaga sii wada rifayay, loo xuubsiibay, cadcad na loogu sii jarjarayay. Haddii se uusan arki lahayn tifidda iyo jarjarka diigga lagula sii kacay, waxa uu iska rumaysnaan lahaa in diiqu na dib ugu soo kici lahaa sidii Axabeeygii suuxsuuxi jiray oo kale.
Faylasuuf yar ayuu ba Absuge ku soo baxay. Weydiin ba weydiin kale ayay oodda ka rogtay. Waxa uu had iyo jeer is-weydiin jiray:

"Maxaa u wacan in Axabeey oo aan la qalin inta uu iska dhinto, sida diiqii na u rafrafto -- misana in uu dib iskaga soo noolaan karay?"
Isaga ayaa isu warcelin jiray, "Mindhaa Axabeey isagu dad ayuu ahaa? Oo hee? Maxaa aabbehay haddaba u diiday in uu dib u soo noolaado? Ma Axabeey, cuuryaankaas liitay, tolow, miyuu ka ba sii abuuris liitay?"

AARGOOSI

Waa dambe ayuu adeer Yoolac ka bartay xeer Soomaaliga ugu mudanaa: "qofkii rubad gooyo ba; isaga na in la gooyo". Goor waxa la soo gaaray agoonkii, haddeer, uu isagii na wax dili karay. Qofnimo ahaan, baxaallii ahaan, wiilkii waxa uu ku soo baxay Yoolac oo inta taagan. Dad kale ayuu xataa ka bartay halyaynimadan: adeer Yoolac ba waxa Xamar ka soo ridday in uu dilo ilaal [askari] aabbihii Mudug horey ugu soo dilay. Wed, dable, ayaa toogtay awowe. Adeer Yoolac aabbihii. Waa murugo dhacday waagii Saldanadii Cali Yuusuf. Geesi, daddil, ayuu ba Adeer Yoolac u arkayay. Absuge waxa uu doonayay in uu noqdo geesi. Dilaa ku dhaqmo xeerarka aargudashada. Sida Yoolac ba.
Awgii go'aankaas uu qaatay, maalin maalmaha ka mid ahayd, faylasuufkii yaraa, Absuge, agoonki Cabbeey Makaraan, halyay qaangaaray, waxa uu hooyo Biyood weydiiyay:
"Ii sheeg! yaa qalay adoogay? Ma Duurdaye mise wed kale?"…
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A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@operamail.com

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=607 Wed, 30 Apr 2008 16:11:19 +0100 “Somalia fell in the hands of the black colony of Abyssinia” http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=606
sulaan garyare

Somalia is located on the Horn of Africa, with an estimated population of between 9 and 10.5 millions. After 17 years and many attempts to restore governance since the overthrow of Siad Barre’s regime in 1991, Somalia has had puppet government backed by Ethiopian troops for over three years but it is a weak government that cannot control the country, because it is incompetence and illegitimate.

Over the past 17 years, Somalia has become divided into clan-based regional entities, leading to political segregation and the localisation of power and authority. Violent conflict between factions has been widespread in many regions. Islamic “Sharia” law has been introduced in certain areas to promote law and order alongside traditional systems of jurisdiction. The economic and social situations in Somalia have been negatively affected by the political crisis and the high incidence of violent conflict. The 2004 World Bank Report confirmed that Somalia is one of the poorest countries in the world, with a per capita income of US$226 and with 43.2% of the population living on less than US$1 a day.

Unfortunately, this is the case for Somalia, where anarchy, violence and chaos have taken place for 17 years. Somalia is one of the nation state building exercises which appears to have established as a permanent characteristic on the international scenery. In order to understand the main circle of violence in which Somalia is today, it is necessary to briefly examine some key incidents in modern Somali history:As a result of the division of Somalia between Britain, France, Italy and Ethiopia during the late 19th century, there are substantial Somali populations living in Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia which has caused domestic and regional problems.

Colonial powers came to appreciate the strategic location of Somalia after the Berlin Conference, which initiated the “Scramble for Africa”.The arrival of Britain, France and Italy into Somali lands began in the late 19th century and quickly the area disintegrated into British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Both countries sought expand their control, enlisting locals to fight the every wars aimed at their own subjugation.

When the newly independent states of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland united to form the Republic of Somalia in 1960, the union impacted heavily on the political status of clans and lineages (Cornwell, 2004). With dependence on Soviet support in the late 1960s, Somalia’s declared Socialist block.

When the US withdrew aid to Ethiopia, the USSR, with Cuban support, quickly shifted from Somalia and went back to Ethiopia, in the result of hostility and aggression that increased into the new Cold War in the areas (Cornwell, R. 2004). In that context, led to Somalia political disaster because both Western and Eastern blocks have been playing role in order to achieve their geo-political interest without giving Somalia to real political, military and financial aid. With that result, Somalia become politically disintegrated and collapsed at the late 1990s. Since 1991, Somalia, where the warlords are the worst of the group, they are the primary responsibility for the problem of the Somali people. Looting, banditry, greedy warlords and well armed groups have dominated media images of conflict in Somalia. As Ikwunze (2000) described, ‘The gang alleged led by an influential chiefs in the community, brazenly and openly carry out its nefarious activities behaviour resembling economic predation in collapsed state like Somalia’. These warlords will never reconcile or put arms down unless forced to.

The United Nations intervened to restore hope in Somalia in 1993. That operation failed because the warlords fought the UN troops and UN peace keeping troops withdrew from Somalia a year later. First, the clan system was used cleverly by the dictatorial regime in pitting clan against clan that has resulted in hate and distrust which is widespread in the clans. Secondly, the lack of financial and technical assistance resulted in the failure of the state. Thirdly, a central form of government encouraged corruption and conspiracy (Global policy org. 2006).

Social formations were characteristic in Somali society. Political mean and cultural values linked up with economic composition by the way of the ideology of kinship thus creating an interlinked net of social economic and political institutions. As a result, an individual Somalis location in any of these structures the society automatically included its kinship therefore the Somali society did not accept the way of nation state but they did accept a character of kinship (Lyons & Samatar 1995).

The hostility of the Ethiopians to the Somalis is based on: religion, greed, annexation of regions; desire to control Somali tribes, ambition to occupy the coastal areas of Somalia. and plans to crush the dream of Greater Somalia.

There is no difference among Ethiopian rulers from Menelik to Zenawi when it comes to tackling with the Somalis. Ethiopian rulers believe that brutality and humiliation is key weapon to vanquish the Somalis. Divide and rule is the second weapon in their choice particularly in the current era of warlords in Somalia. Somali people had always engaged in stiff liberation struggle pioneered by the national heroes such as Imam Ahmed Gurey, Mohamed Abdullah Hassan, the SYL, SNL leaders and other liberation movements in defence of their country and religion.

The tyrannical Tigray Regime in Addis-Ababa has always sabotaged and disrupted all these previous conferences. It was regrettable that the Tigray regime has had a plenty opportunity to manipulate the selection and creation of puppet administrations inside Somalia with hidden agenda to serve Tigray’s interest. Eventually, the Tigray regime has realised its dream of conquering and occupying Somalia in the pretext of defending the interim authority formed in Mbagati Conference (Kenya).

The enemy (Tigray) has invaded the country when it realised that Somali people are quite capable of pacifying Somalia. For instance, during the brief control of the Union of the Islamic Courts of Somalia, leaders managed to restore law and order in most parts of Somalia in a short period of time. For six months, the Somali people had enjoyed living in harmony, peace, calmness and renovation.

The U.S. worked hand in hand with the Ethiopian invaders at every level of the Ethiopian military, while U.S. jets persistently caused terror from the air. Once the Ethiopians had placed themselves and their puppet Somali "government" in the capital, Mogadishu, the Americans sent their other African proxies, the Ugandan and Burundi military, to make up most of the weak African "peacekeeping" force in Somalia.

The Somali resistance to the Ethiopian invasion consider the African peacekeepers in Mogadishu to be agents of the U.S. and, concerning the Ugandans and Burundians they are right to attack. If there were ever a formula for bloody and protracted war in Somalia, it is Ethiopian occupation, which is already unifying diverse elements of the Somali population in fighting (Thanks of Allah).

There is also great cause for concern about the situation in southern and central Somalia, and in particular Mogadishu. The situation for civilians in Mogadishu has grown intolerable.In December 2006, Ethiopian forces with US support ousted the coalition of Islamic Courts from Mogadishu and other areas of south-central Somalia in a lightning offensive.

Ethiopia's intervention in Somalia is closely linked to regional security domination, including a proxy war with Eritrea and the support given to the ONLF and other Ethiopian rebel movements by groups in Somalia. The armed conflict in Mogadishu has steadily escalated since the Ethiopian-backed puppet Government (TFG) established itself in Mogadishu in January 2007.

Since January 2007, the resistence(maqaawamo) has waged almost daily attacks on Ethiopian and puppet government forces, including several suicide attacks. In response, Ethiopian forces launched two major offensives on large areas of Mogadishu in March and April in 2007.

Ethiopian troops indiscriminately bombarded resistence(maqaawamo) strongholds with barrages of "Katyusha" rockets, mortars and artillery, making no apparent effort to distinguish between civilians targets. While the precise number of civilian casualties is not yet known, estimates range more than 6,000 deaths resulting since fighting began According to United Nations officials, the humanitarian crisis in Somalia is more than a million Somalis fled their homes.

The war will also weaken Ethiopia, which is more than a third Muslim and home to many peoples that oppose the dictatorial regime in Addis Ababa. If the leaders of the United States were searching for a plan that would kill hundreds of thousands of Africans, they have found it. According to Human Rights Watch “Tigray troops are destroying villages and property, confiscating livestock and forcing civilians to relocate to urban centers, in an apparent attempt to separate the civilian population from the ONLF rebels operating in remote rural areas. Villagers are threatened if they refuse to relocate”

The Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS) was formed last year (2007) in the Eritrean capital Asmara, declaring to force Ethiopia out of Somalia.
As ARS considered, the Tigray troops which occupied the country illegally should be forced to withdraw the country as soon as possible. It is the right of the Somali people to have the independence to decide its own destiny without outside intervention.

The International community must support the Somali people in their looking for a genuine political reconciliation which cannot take place until the Tigray forces leave the country which will crate a safe, suitable and neutral environment. The alliance believes that the Somali solution to be in negotiation and political discussion. The solution of the Somali people is in the application of the Islamic Sharia and it is good custom.

The International community must bear in its responsibility in implementing resolutions passed by the Security Council particularly resolutions regarding Somali affairs and to advocate Charter of the United Nations in relation to the independence, unity and sovereignty of Somalia. The alliance strongly believes that the Somali people have the right to liberate their country from the Tigrayn occupation as set in the United Nations Charter.

In conclusion, the United States-backed Ethiopia renewed occupation in Somalia is not unavoidable, and can only be explained on the basis of external interest engaged in zero sum politics. it was created by series of policy choices, carefully skilled and controlled by Meles Zenawi, with financial and diplomatic cover of the United States, and United Nations Security Council and to a less significant level European Union; and carried out and legitimized by the puppet government to achieve multiple objectives of those who invested in it: For Zenawi it is the survival of his regime and access to the see Somali ports(use as necessary for him); for the United States it is the war on terrorism.

Thus, Somali people have no chance in this military occupation, which tries to fit former warlords through Ethiopian military, which means Ethiopian military will stay as long as warlords are in power, because the warlords are politically broke, and will not be able to endure without Zenawi’s protection for them and the Ethiopian occupation of Somali soil.

By: Sultan Mohamed Sultan Garyare
The Head of Social affairs’ office of the Alliance for Re-Liberation of Somalia



]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=606 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:56:11 +0000 Dharbaaxo http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=604 sow inaan dhunkado ciidda taan dhaxashadaa maaha? sow dhuuxa ubadkii ku jiray tuu dhursugo maaha? sow waxa dhalaan loo korshaa dhaqan rugeed maaha?… dhexdayada ninkii soo galaa ee dhibo ka doonaaya ee dhaan shisheeyaad wataa sow ku dhiman maayo? dhudhub oodan kii kula damca ee bohosha dheereeya isna kuu dhegoolaynayaa sow ku dhici maayo?…
Bamfas, Cali Xasan: Dhambaal

Ilaaloda Garruun Unturow, labo maryoclas, ayaa isla murdinayo hambo ay soo reebeen saraakiil Tigree ahaa. Qalbacyada dariishadoha /Xeradii Banaadir Astedader/ [Maamulka Banaadir] oo rasaastii ka soo dusi jirtay awgeed u ekaaday canjeero Amxaaro, ayay ka daawanayeen Suuqii
Boosto-Bulug oo bililiqo la buuxdhaafsanaa.

Waxa kale oo ay arki kareen halowga hoobiye ee kaga soo duulayay Xaafadohii Xamar qaarkood, kaasoo iyaga ku beerayay lahasho jecleysiin in Soomaaliya ay degdeg dibadda uga qaxaan, carro kale oo ay ka aadaan ba, kol ay ku tahay in ay raacaan doonni taallaa buuraaleyda tuuladii Mareero; dabadeed na haba loo dhiftee hoos iyo gunta Gacankii Cadmeed si ay ugu dhintaan dhimasho madow ama ba kalluunkii ay weligood ka soo caagganaan jireen loo cunsiiyo iyaga oo weliba ku riyoon: sida ay uga dhex luflufan lahaayeen qashinqubka Buurohii /Nuqum/ iyo /Caybaan/ -- dukaafadoha tuuran waddooyinkii Sanca, magaalomadaxda dalkii Yemen.

Mid ka mid ah labadii Maryacalas, Xeynuuf Fooleey, labaatan-jir ay bidaartu madaxiisa u hoolhooshay sidii ilmo qabo xiiqdheer, ayaa yiri, "Yac. Ee waa se ku ceebtaas. Madaxweyne la dharbaaxay! Biriga, dhaqankaan ku noolahay waa ciilkaanbiyaa. Geeriyaa noo wada qoran. Nabee
waa mooggii ama la dalaabi jiray ama '/ha noolaato/' la qaadi jiray."

"Haa haddoo!" Maryacalaskii kale, lixdan-jir aan afkiisa loo oqoon hal ilig, Tuuryare Meeyrre ayaa yiri, "been nacalleeyaa ku taal. Dabadhilif meel ii xanuuni mee. Diin, qarannimo, reynreen, dhereg, caafimaad, iyo awood aan soo lahaa jiray, iyo liibaan kastoo kalee la mahadiyo. Woyane
na an Soomaaliya ima keenin; usna anigu ma keensan.

Tigree inaw wax iga ba'sho maahee waxbo iima badin. Mooggaan se is dammoodo, ma rumaysa karo qiiroda say u gashay korkayga -- biri kasto ba kistoo xanaaq ah, ciil joogto ah -- hadba na ay damiirkayga u saaqday si aan ciyow loo dareemi kareynin.

Ogoobeey lama sii ogaa karo dadnimada ay caroda qaarkeed kugu
abuuri karayso. Igaarkaygow waa ka weynahee ogow. Dharbaaxada waa mid lagu kacshay awal ba Madaxweyne hurdaayay! Waxaan se rabi lahaay in ay kiciso Soomaalida wili iska ba hurdeyso. Yac. Waa se ku quurtaas. Farajirjirkaas. Taariikhdaas fooshaxun ee ilmoheenna loo dhigi doono!"

Dabadeed Xeynuuf waxa u noqday dhegeyste aad ugu dheganugulaa waanooyinka iyo waayaragtida waayeelka. Oday Tuuryare ayaa haddaba sheekeyntii la wareegay: "Dowlad-ku-sheegta la yiraa Embegathi, igaarkaygow, ma og tahay saan ugu naxo! Baraareheeda oo dhan, xooggeera oo dhan, nooligeeda oo dhan, waxaw ku xiran yahay dhuuniqaatenimo, taasoo mar dhow na sii jiri doonin.

Anigu waa halgami doonaa. Waxii igu dhaliyay inaan Madaxweyneha u hiilliyo bal aan in yar kaaga sheego -- sababta aan u go'aansaday inaan Tigreega ka aargudo. Sida geesiyaalka qaran ba, aniga na jecaylka dalkayga iyo ummaddayda ayaa i daaray, wiliba si gaara jacayl Soomaalinnimo.

Bal se aan kuu sheego sababta aanan qurbe ugu dalaabi doonin. Hadda kahor ayaan Xeebtaas kula kulmay aabbe igala weynaa aabbeyaal Soomaaliyeed oo idil, ruun Mareero, hal sano kahor, waxyar kadib Maxkamadoha waagii laga adkaaday. Xeeb qurux badan. Qaxootiga reer Geeska Afrika meeshaasay ku kulmaan. Urur ama isutag ka aqli xun se abidkay ma arag.

Waa meel qorraxdu xaanida u dubayso sidii qaloon digireed; duulku waa ba ay kuu faraxsan yihiin, waa ba kuu dhoollacadeeynayaan. Bal gees ka joogso oo day sida ay iskaga dabo meehannaabayaan. Marba horin ayaa ku soo ag mareyso xiran dhar uskag badan, kaasoo ay la gelayaan huurka badda goorta ay gaaraan dacalloda hirarka xoorinayaa ay ku soo maaxdumayaan; biyoha ayay haddana qunyar ugu sii dhex fogaanayaan, hadba na u tallabsan sitaahooy ka baqayaan hafasho iyo in meel mool ah ay ku dhex dhacaan.

Inyar maahee intooda badan ma dabaalan karaan. Halkaas ayaad na ka sii garan kareysaa intooda shirqoolka burcadda badeedda ka sabatabbaxi doonto. In ay badda ka cabsanayaan waxaaad ku ogaan kareysaa sida ay hirarka uga soo kala yaacayaan. Halkii mowjad ee soo humbaalleeyn ba, waxa ay sababaysaa hirar qaxooti ah in dacalloda xeebtii ay ka soo fiigaan.

Aabbehaas Soomaaliyeed ee aan ku soo hadalhayay, markii iigu horreysay oo aan xeebtaas ku arko si weyn ayaan ugu qushuucay, ugu na muraaqooday. Waxa jira aabbeyaal ay weynidoodu ciyoon ba ku kasbanayso. Waxa aad moodaysaa in aad heshay waalid noloshaada ka maqnaan jiray; aragtidiisii ayaa ku deeqeyso, xataa haddii uu kaa geeryoodo, adoogaas oo kale lahaantiisii awgeed, waa mid aanad weliga dib dambe u dareenteen wax agoonnimo la yiraaho. Kalgacalkii
weynaa ee aan u qaaday… iyo aheey! qarracankii gadaalo iigu soo xigay.

LA SOCO QEYB II ... JIMCEHA SOO SOCDA

A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@operamail.com
Khamiis, Febraayo 28, 2008

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=604 Mon, 3 Mar 2008 21:34:55 +0000 Waa Kuma Abwaanka ugu Weyn Soomaalida? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=603
Duur looma jabin geesigii dirirta waynaaye
Kun kaloo ciyaar lagu dilay iyo dawgal baa jiray
Oon deer deero u hardiyin sida dugaaggiiye...
Wax badan baa karbaash lagu dirqiyey duq iyo wiilkiine
Nin garkii camuud loo daray oo dabada loo xayday
Oo ulo dubka iyo jiirka suga lagu daliigaayo
Oo kuman dadkiisii ahaa daawasho u joogto
Oo aan la diirine farxaan lala dareeraayo
Waa dabac idiin gooniya oon duulna waafaqin
Afqallooc: Sheekh Bashiir
Abwaan Yuusuf Maradoon Cali waa nin ka dhashay Midgo la liidi jiray. Guri ijaar ahaa, Magool (aun) ay ku noolayd ee ku yaallay gadaalkii dambe ee Tiyaatarka ama Fiera della Somalia (Xaafaddii Sheekh Suufi), horraantii 70-meeyadii, ayuu galabihii ama fiidadkii tegi jiray. Yuusuf, halkaas, qol fadhi ahaa, ayuu soo joogi jiray inta uu doono. Cunto iyo qayilaad. Dabadeed na, cariish qeyb ka ahaa guri ay iska lahayd islaan la oran jiray Aay Faay Kafalle ayuu u soo hoyaad tegi jiray -- Wardhiigley.

Dhowr dermood, weliba duug ahaa iyo hal jooderi oo qunbe ahaa ayuu agab oo dhanna ka qabay. Nin waxa uu ahaa inta badan qaadan jiray macawis qurxoon, jaakad, kabo saandal ah, iyo shaar iyo sigsaan iyo koofiyo cadcad. Joog ahaan mana dheereyn, mana gaabnayn. Nin waxa uu ahaa lagu manneystay fil Soomaaliyeed iyo gibil maarriin ahaa. Nin waxa kale uu ahaa la siiyay hiboda ka-sheekeynta, iyo soo-ifbixinta xatatooyin horey dadku aan ay u dareemi jiray. Isaga qudhiisa ayaa ba ahaa sidii "Hibo" -- waxa uu ahaa jilaa gole-joogsigiisu, iyo soohorjoogsigiisu ba ay dadweynuhu ku naalloon jireen.

Nasiibdarro. Waa se abwaankaas weli dahsoon. Soomaalidu isaga waxba ugama oga sida misana ay heesohiisa wax uga wada og yihiin. Heesoha Yuusuf Maradoon waa kuwo, intoodii badnaa wada qarxay. Macenha, waa heeso u wada caanbaxay, loona wada yaqaanno sidii Magool.

Waxa aan rumays nahay in Maradoon uu ka mid yahay abwaannoda ugu waaweyn ee Reer Waryaa. Waxa aan na u maleeyaa in aan og ahay sababtii uu u sammeeyay heestiisa la yiraahdo “Waqti”. Eeg sida fudud oo ay ereyadiisu u soo tebinayeen dareen culus, kaasoo aan ay weli Maryooleydu qaadan karayn jiritaankiisa. U fiirso farrinta uu 1963-kii u dirayay, gebi ahaan Soomaalida, gaar ahaan dowladihii loogu soo shubi jiray sanduuqyadii ma ahan dooorashooyinka, bal se qabyaaladda.

Akhristow, bal intii cabbaar ah gasho hubkii uu xiran jiray -- cimaamaddiisii caddayd, bakooraddiisii... – oo habeentiriska na dib u celi. Gadaal ugu laabo Soomali-Jaceylkii jiray 1960-maadkii. Dabadeed, adiga oo jilaya noloshii Ina Maradoon, heeladkaas na dhex taagan, bal carceersi ku akhriso tuducyoda soo socda:

"Waqtiyow dhismeha guud dowlad aan dhaliiloo .......[dhisme=doorasho]
dhibaatda i gaadhiyo ka war qabin dharaar qura:
dhaqankaan ku noolahay,
dhallinyaro intaan ahay.

***
dhegaha iyo araggaba
ka dheeree agtayda
aah aah aah aaheey!"

Mooddo [fikrad] kasto oo soohdimahoodii la arki karayo waa mooddo kooban. Mooddadii kooban na waa fikrad yar. Waxii yar na male-awaalkeenna ma dherjin (buuxin) karyaan -- iska ba illow in ay hafiyaane. Mooddooyinka waaweyn se afkalqaad ayay kugu ridayaan. Waa ay ku hafin. Is weydii ama baaritaan ugu noqo hadaltiroda maansoole Soomaaliyeed oo badan.

Ii soo hel tix ama maanso afkalaqaad, ashqaraark, anfariirk, naxdin, jaceyl, qarracan… iyo layaab kugu riday ama kugu abuurtay ama se kuu soo lahayd ba? Mooddooyin sida cirka, buuraha, habeenka madow ee xiddigohiisa na intaa inaga dul libiqsanaya, hawdka bahlo-galeenka ah ee dhawrta leh, iyo badaha oo ah kuwo inagu wada beerayaa lahashooyin aan abidkood nusqaamayn, kuwaas oo muugga maaankayagu aan uu wada qaadi ama ba wada qaadan kareynin.

Markasta oo aad waxyaabohaas ka sii fekertaa na, waa mar kasta ay kuula sii fogaanayaan xuduudo aanand soo koobi kareyn. Haddaba, aan ku degdego in aan iska idhaahdo: "waxii aan la soo koobi kareyn waa wax waarayaa, waa wax abid si joogto ah u joogi, una joogi doono."

Sida ay waxyaabohaas waayweyn ay male-awaalkeenna u hafinayaan, waxa jira iyana waxyaabo yaryar ee isla sidaas si ka geddisan inooga sii libdhaya meelo ama siyaabo bidhaantoodii hore aan ay isheennu u sii arki kareynin. Ama, waxa jira waxyaabo markoodii hore ba naga qarsoonaa, markaas ayaan awoodda male-awaalkeenna ku WEYNEYSAN kareynaa; dabadeed na waan qeexi kareynaa soohdimihoodii. Waxayaaabohaas inaga soo dhunsanaan jiray layaab dambe inooma ba yeeshaan goorta se aan iyaga daahyadii ka furno.

Kaalintan waa doorka keliya ee suugaanta u gaadh ah. Waayo buraashka, qad kasta oo la daro, meel ka mid ah wadanehayaga kuma dhigi karo dareen lahasho sida ay maansado ugu qoomi kareyso dareenno aan koobneyn -- dareenno aan la sheegi kareyn meel ay ka soo billaaban iyo meel ay ku dhammaan.

Maadama aan maanta hadlhayay abwaan Yuusuf Maradoon bal kaaga soo qaado hees kale ee uu kula hadlaayay walaashii nin saaxiibkay ahaa, kaas oo la liitay cudurka qaaxada la yiraahdo. Abbaayo weliba maalqabeen ayay ahayd. Ninkaas waxa loo yaqaannay “Fannaan”. Fannaan horraantii 1972 ayuu ciil awgii, dalkii hooyo, kaga dalaabay. Maalin kahor subaxii uu anbabixi lahaa ayuu duubay hees, iyo hees kale uu gadaalo ka qaadi jiray Axmed Mooge Liibaan (aun). Billaa ay maalin uun Abbaayo ogaataa: tiiraanyadii uu walaalkeed kala haayiray xaafaddii Wardhiigley. Isla sanadkaas ayuu ku dhintay magaalada Siyeedlow, NFD. Fannaankii, halkaas ayaa na lagu duugay.

Heesta ma wada xasuusto. Mirta ugu horreysa se weligay ba ma illoobin:

"Waxaa lagu ogaa gabar inay uurnuglaatoo
Qofkii aabbahaa dhalay aayda laguma lummiyee
Anba kuma illoobeen adoo u eg sideydee ....... [sarbeeb cudrkii Fannaan]
Aqoon-yari carruurnimo iyo adoon eegin tii hore
Ima ogide waxaan ahay ruux itaaldarreey.

***
Abbaayooy macaaney Allaa igu ogsoonoo
Abbaayooy macaaney immika waan soconayaa
Aan se kula dardaarmee: maxaan kugu idhaahdaa?"

“Aan se kula dardaarmee: maxaan kugu iraahdaa?”, su'aashaan dareenka ay qalbigayaga u direyso, dareen la halmaala: ma jiraa, haddee, Buraash iyo Sawirle Kale ee inoogu soo dhejinin karayaa bog internet-ka ah?

Intaas oo dhaan waxa aan u soo dig iyo damleynayay, akhristow, si aan kuu dhacsiiyo in maansadu ka awood sarreyso, iskaba daa aslitaanka (sawiraadda); waa se mid xataa laga sii sare mariyay taariikhda iyo falsafadda oo la isku kabay. Laashimki reer Koonfureed xaw yiri, “Dhedhem moofaa leh; dhereg na maankaal”. Sidaas oo kale, waxa aan anigu odhan lahaa: “Dheeh, muuqaa leh; dhumuc na, maansaa leh”.

Abwaan Maraddoon aragtida uu ka qabay nolosha waa mid aad u sii yareyd, aad na u sii budeysanayd. Isla goortan la joogo ayay weli u dhigantaa jariir (biriiq) aan ay arki karayn il Soomaaliyeed oo badan. Sow nooleha ama waxlaha qaarkood araggeena kama qarsoono illaayo, kuma darin, la inoo hooskeeno mikoroskoobka? Mooddooyinka, abwaannada qaarkood na waa tabtaas oo kale. Fiiro la'aan, kuma ogaan kareyno. Waa in aan maankeenna hooskeennaa, fiiroda na, kolba aan iskugu xoominnaa bar ka mid ah fikraddihii abwaanka. Ogow se, waxaa aalaaba dhacda, tiiyo aan ujeedno in misana aan ka ba ilduufno. Qatifow, qoryaha raro! Taas oo kale waa midda aniga i qabsatay.

Waa dhigmo u baahan qoraallo dhaardheer. Waxaad oran kareysaa Abwaan Hadrawi, Abwaan Hebel, Abwaan Kale, Abwaan Kooyi… waa abwaanno wada muuqdo. Ogow se, wax kasto oo muuqdo misana ma noqdaan sida loo arkayo ama ba ay u eg yihiin; sida duwan oo ay uga caansan yihiin qofnimoda uu Abwaan Hadraawi ba ku lahaa, "Dhimir bay ku sareen dabool baali kaa dhigaye" (Dhulgariir) -- si ka sii mudan ayaa malaha jiri karta, si lagu sii kala ogaan kari lahaa, taas oo lagayaabee aynaan innagu weli ogaalkeeda lahayn: Waa kuma abwaanka ugu weyn Soomaalida? Haddee sidee ugu mudan ee lagu garan karayaa?

Badarka ba haddaan la shiidin, hufin, laxoox kuu roon e; qoosh ba ma noqdo. Horta yaa abwaannadeednna inta buudeeyay, kala hufay, biyo ku radiyay, qooshay, kadib na rooti inoo wada cuntami karayo inooga dubay? Abwaannadeenna qaarkood waa dab, qaar waa dhardhaar (ama dhagax), qaar na waa dheef. Marka aan qaar kaaga sheego, Hadraawi iyo Maradoon iyo qaar kalee badan -- waa dheef. Inta harsan, male-awaalkaaga ayaan
ku maamuusi lahaa. Akhrisrow, walaal, adiga ayaan kuu soo hibeyn.

Abwaan Hadraawi ba waa uu carrabbaabay in ay jireen dad nolosha lagu aasay, mise? Ma taqaan ciddahaas la aasay?

Maxay adiga adiga kula tahay? Bal adigu, haatan, dib isu weydii. Maxay ku nool yihiin maanta “dhallintii waddanka iyo dhulka”? Dowlad sidee ah ayay ku hoos nool yihiin? Salaan Carrbeey ba sow ma oran, “nin libin kaa xisdiyay xumihii waa yaabe”. Haddii aan la is xasdeyn, anigu ma arag abwaan, sida Yuusuf Maradoon, qiirooyin naadir ah ( qaali ah) igu dareensiin karay dadnimo aanan haddii kale kuu ba dareemi lahayn.

Anigoo hataan cirroobay miyaan weliba garan la'ahay dareenkii dhaliilaysanaa ee uu Midgaanku horey uga soo qabi jiray mustaqbalka Soomaaliya? Haddii uu ereyga midgaan yahay mid tilmaamayo qolo xun, qolodaas waa, mindhaa, inta aan anigu ugu horreeyo; Yuusuf Maraddoon, marna ba midgaan noqon mayo uu. Midgaanku ba waa dagaaloogeha uun -- kabaleefkaas xun. Midkaas la dharbaaxay. Hal Tigree xataa , iska daa’ wax kalee, looma ba caayin!.

Xeynuuf Fooleey waxa uu oday Tuuryare ku oranayaa ereyo xambaarsan dareenkii aan ka dhaxlay Ina Maradoon (Dharbaaxo), “... Biriga, dhaqankaan ku noolahay...”

Xeynuuf waa qofnimadaydii qoraa. Qofnimadeydu waa Midgaan. Libaaxii Itoobiya ayaa igu soo galay cimilkii ii oodnaan jiray. Bulsho qeylodhaantayda maqlaysaa ama iga kicinaysaa na ma ba jirto. Keligay ayaan ahay. Midgaankii la haybsooci jiray oo kale ayaan noqday. Gaalo iyo islaan wax ii garabayaa na ma jiraan. Ma nabsi ayaan galabsaday? Ma walaalkay ayaan qixiyay? Maxaan kugu idhaahdaa?

Muxuu yidhi Faarax Shuuriye,

"Geesi libaax ku gawdiidsadee garab u hooseeya ...... [midigtii ay birtu xigtay]
Oo ay guutadiisii ka kicin gocumalow aarka
Ee uu guudka kala saaran yahay miciyo gaalleefa
Gallad Eebbe mooyee in Ilaah uga gargaaraayo
War sow inuu go'aa lama oga galowdu raageynin."

Adkeeda, horta Soomaalida Maanta waa dad aan isu ba diirnaxeyn, miyaa? Sharafbeelka nagu dhacay, ii soo sheeg wixii aad ka tidhi Abwaanka Soomaalida ugu Weynow?
.
A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@operamail.com
Khamiis, Febraayo 28, 2008

]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=603 Mon, 3 Mar 2008 21:24:36 +0000 Maxaa Loogu Baahan Maansooyinka? http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=602 A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@opermail.com

"Wixii qooma aadmiga
Ee qabkiisa dhaawaca
Ayaa qeexi oo dhili
Oo sarbeeb ku kala qali"

Bashir Goth: Qudbigii Suugaanta

MA OG TAHAY BISHII JANNAAYO abwaan lagu anqariyay af Soomaali, abwaan yaraantiisii na lagu barbaariyay dhaqan Soomaaliyeed, weynaantiisii na noolaan jiray nolol suugaaneed; sida misana suugaan baroordiiqeed ay uga dabo tagtay isla arooridii ay ku tiil xabaashii lagu soo aasay. Way! Allow, Soomaaligow, ogaan lahaydaa waxa aan uga jeedo ereyga aroori. Arrimoha aan dooni lahaa in aan halkaan akhristeha ugu soo bandhigo walow ay ka fog yihiin baroordiiq; ogow se wax ba ayaa jira igu dirqiyayo, haddii kale igu ba hodayo in aan Xasan Sheekh Muumin (1931-2008) soo carrabbaabo.

Weli allaan si aad ah u gocdaa cod ilmoha xasilin ogaa, hees maanta ba weli carruurta Soomaaliyeed loo qaado, sida Eeddo Culuso ay ugu luuqeyn jirtay:

Hoo waa yaa Hoo waa
Habartaa ma joogto
Korya koonfur aadday
K abaheedii illatay
Kabaxkabax u roortay
Dammeer qaaq leh erisay
Sii socotaana moogi
Soo socotaa na moogi
Hurdooy Hurdooy kaalay
Indhaha Nuunnoow shab ku dheh
Shab ku dheh shalalax ku dheh…

Yaa og inta aan reerkayagii ka sii socon doonno? Yaa og inta aan reerkayagii ku soo socon doonno? Laakiin se, heesta kore kolley waxa ay ubadkayaga u hurdisiin si ay nolosha dib ugu soo baraarugaan. Ma hubo maansoda baroordiiqeed sida ay u xasilin kareyso rubad go’day? Waa se mid wax inaga barayso ilbiriqsiyo ka soo mid ahaan jiray mooddooyinkii iyo dareenkii, baxaalligii qarannimo, hankii Soomaalinnimo, himilooyinkii indheergaradnimo, halgankii suugaaneed, iyo yididdiilooyinkii Abwaankii tegay? Si kale haddii aan u idhaahdo, ma laga yaabaa in baroordiiq oo idil ay ku saabsan tahay uun "rajooyin hungoobay"? Ma garanaysaa waxa aan kaa wareysanayo? Billaa oo ay geeridu ina kedisaa tiiyoo Geedkeennii Quuddarreynta na, iska daa’ miro’e, wax la yidhaahdo man ama ubax ba aan uu weli midkoodna dhalin. Dareenkan silloon oo kale ayaan weligay u soo lahaa geerida ku timaad
qof kasto oo aan jeclaan jiray. Geerida abwaan Xasan na kama reebbana. Marka aan si kale u eego ba, murugadeydu ba waxa ay ku saabsanaan wedka nolosha nagu qabsan karayo asii aan la iskana qaban kareynin. In kasto oo aan in badan u baroorto dadkaygii uu wedku ina kala qaaday, run ahaan, ilmoda iga daadanayso waxa ay waraabkiisii noqon uun geedkaas uurkayga ku dhex yaal; duul iil ka hoos la jiifiyay na, mindhaa, dib dambe uma soo kiciso. Waa se nadiga lala haleeli senge uu ruuggu caddaaday oo kale. Sow faraska ba looma karbaasho si uu u tiigsado dhul dheer? Haddaba, maansoda baroordiiqeed waxa ay kugu kicinaysaa halgaad xanuun badan; si aad u kordhiso hardaftii iyo raacdadii aad nolosha ugu sii jiri lahayd uun.

"Ka gaar inta aad weli ka gaari kareysid," ayay na kugu canaanan. Sidaas awgeed, maansadu qalbigeenna ayay ku oollaan inta innagu aan weli u kala dhexeyn nolol iyo geeri –- if iyo iil. Eeg sida maansadu ay abwaanka u soo wehelinaysay laga soo billabo Dhabtii Hooyo lagu na geeyo Dhuuxii Boorama.

Intii uu weli adduunka ku noolaa, abwaanku waxa uu maqli jiray hees-carruureedyo, hees-hawleedyo, hees-walwaaleedyo… illaayo gadaalo na, maleha, waa uu maqli jiray maansooyin qalaad, sida:

"waa shay macaane cuna mallaayga…"
ama
"goormaan ku raaxeysaheennaa arimaheennna…”
ama
"bacdaa dhuuqso yaan lagaa boojeyn…",
iyo
maansooyin kale oo iyaga la bah ah.

Iska jir. Ha moodin in aan liidayo maansodan nooceeda ah ee aan aan anigu ula baxay dan-maal. Maanso dhalanteed ah. Maanso loo halabuuray, kuna saleysan danaysi uun. Maxaa yeelay waa maanso loogu dawgalay farriimo degdeg ah in ay maankayaga ku dhigto. Maansoda dhabta ah se, si ka duwan midda dhalanteed, waa marka hore, waa mid haditaankeedu (fahamkeedu) uu maanka kugu daalayo; waayo wax ay kaaga warceliso iska daaye waxa ay kuula iman, kuguna soo balleyn: weydiimo adigii ba kaa sii da’weyn. Aadkeeda, ma u fiirsatay gedda abwaan Xasan Sheekh Muumin, maansodiisa la yiraahdo “Aqligii Wanaagsan,” sida habdhaceeda uu ugu tilmaamayo duurjoogta, isu na barbardhigayo tankii iyo tayodii ugaadha; iyo sida isla haddana Soomaalidu ay waxyaabohaas qaafil uga wada yihiin, una u wada moog yihiin? Maxaa ku wacdaro ah, adduunka! Hayeeshee rogaalceliska, kucelceliska, hooriska heesta ee layaabka leh, "Aqligii wanaagsan itaal inuu ka roon yahay bal eegoo u fiirsadaay," adiga ayaan ba kuu deyn lahaa hadba midkood uun, midkoodii uu kaaga dhiganaan lahaa su’aal ama jawaab -- may, waxa aan uga jeedaa su'aalo ama jawaabo.

Haddee kala garo. Goorta maansoda dhalanteed la adeegsanayo, ku-soo-celcelinta isla halkii hooris waxa ay akhristeha awoodsiinaysaa in uu durba aqoonsado tixo aan lagu larin ama labin: curis diimmoon. Si taa ka duwan, haddaba, maansoda dhabta ah, maansadoda farshaxaneed, ku-soo-celcelinta isla halkii hooris waxa loo adeegsadaa si loo fogeeyo feejignaantii dhegeysteha/akhristeha, mid doolaalo ku geyn dhul qurbe ah -- si loo raajiyo ama ba daahiyo fahamkii. Maansoda farshaxaneed waxa ay tooyan (doonaysaa) hawraarro gaw ah si ku-soo-celcelinta isla halkii hooris aan uu u yeelan isla ujeeddodiisii hore oo kale; waayo ma habboon in loo qaato, misana, in abwaanku waayay tixo kale ee uu halkoodii ku buuxiyo: Ogow! Hoorisyoda farshaxaneed waxa ku kaydsan su'aalohii uu abwaanku dhafoorkayaga ku qodqodi lahaa.

Aniga oo xuskii Abwaan Xasan Sheekh Muumin intaa ku soo koobi doono, sow gunaanad wanaagsan ma aha in aan ku soo afjaro, hees isaga ku xidhiidhin yahaaburkii kale ee fanka Soomaaliyeed -- Cabdillaahi Maxamed Maxamuud Xirsi oo loo yaqaannay "Qarshe"; -- teeryo inta uu weli fir ka harsanaan doono qolo Soomaali ah, weligeed ba, hees Soomaalida fari ama ba bari doonto:

Aqoon la'aani waa iftiin la'aane
Waa aqal iyo ileys la'aane

Ogaada ogaada dugsiyada ogaada
Oo aada oo aada wlaalayaal oo aada

Waa oomanaa iyo abaare
Omos iyo oon biyo la'aane

Ogaada ogaada dugsiyada ogaada
Oo aada oo aada walaalayaal oo aada

A. M. Yusuf | wayeel@opermail.com]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=602 Thu, 14 Feb 2008 21:38:26 +0000 HRW says the Meles regime committed mass murder, torture, rape http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=601
Government forces committed serious human rights violations, including rape, torture, and village burnings, during a campaign against Ethiopian rebels in eastern Somali Region (Region 5). Abuses also took place in other parts of the country, notably in Oromia State where local officials carried out mass arrests, extra-judicial killings and economic sanctions.

In March and April 2007 in Mogadishu, Somalia, the Ethiopian military used heavy artillery and rockets indiscriminately, in violation of international humanitarian law, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing up to 400,000 people, as they fought an escalating insurgency.

In Addis Ababa, the government pardoned and released dozens of opposition leaders and journalists detained since the post-election crackdown in 2005. However, the press remains hobbled and local human rights organizations operate with great difficulty.

Abuses in Somali and Oromia States
In June, the Ethiopian military launched a major offensive in Somali region, the eastern third of the country inhabited by ethnic Somalis. The offensive was a response to increasing attacks by the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a longstanding armed opposition movement demanding self determination for the region. In April the ONLF attacked an oil exploration site killing nine Chinese oil workers, 50 armed guards, and 28 nearby villagers; the group was also allegedly responsible for two bombings in May that indiscriminately killed 17 people, mostly civilians, and wounded dozens in Dhagabur and Jigjiga, the state capital.

In the five zones affected by the conflict, the Ethiopian military retaliated by razing entire villages, carrying out public executions, raping and harassing women and girls, arbitrarily arresting, torturing and sometimes killing suspects in military custody; and forcing thousands to flee their homes. They also imposed a commercial blockade on the affected region and confiscated livestock—the main asset in this largely pastoralist region—exacerbating food shortages.

In July, the government expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross and restricted access to the affected region by other international humanitarian agencies. Restrictions on humanitarian agencies were slightly eased in September and October, when the government permitted the UN to conduct an assessment and open regional offices in the affected area.

In Oromia, Ethiopia’s most populous state, government authorities have used the fact of a long-standing insurgency by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) to imprison, harass, and physically abuse critics, including school children. Victims are informally accused of supporting the OLF, an outlawed rebel group, but supporters of the Oromo National Congress (ONC) and the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), registered opposition political parties, suffer similar treatment. In early January, more than thirty students were arrested and at least one, a tenth-grader, died as a result of police beatings in Dembi Dollo, western Oromia. Other students were severely injured and hospitalized. Also in January, local police and militia members in Ghimbi shot two high school students dead, one as he and others were walking peacefully along, the other as he covered the body of the first with his own in order to protect him from further harm. In March security officials allegedly executed 19 men and a 14-year-old girl near Mieso in northeastern Oromia. Starting in August, federal and state security forces arrested well over 200 people in western Oromia, including three members of the executive committee of the Nekemte chapter of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and OFDM members, on suspicion of links to the OLF. Some, including the EHRCO officials, were released under court order after the police failed to provide evidence against them but most were still detained as of early November. At least 25 were being held in defiance of court orders to release them.

Farmers in Oromia who fail to support the governing political party are denied fertilizer and other agricultural aids over which the government exercises monopoly control.

Abuses Relating to the Conflict in Somalia
Thousands of Ethiopian troops were deployed in Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia in late 2006 as part of the military campaign to oust the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and install the Transitional Federal Government. In March and April 2007, the Ethiopian military indiscriminately bombarded large residential areas of Mogadishu with mortar shells, artillery, and “Katyusha” rockets, killing hundreds of people and causing up to 400,000 people to flee the city. Ethiopian forces made no apparent effort to distinguish between civilian and insurgent targets, and they shelled and occupied several key hospitals located in the frontline areas. (See Somalia chapter)

In collaboration with TFG forces, Ethiopian troops detained and sometimes beat hundreds of men in mass arrests in Mogadishu in June and July. Dozens of suspected ICU supporters who fled Mogadishu in December 2006 were detained by Ethiopian forces in Somalia or by Kenyan officials at the border, and rendered to Ethiopia in January and February, where they were held in incommunicado detention for months of interrogations, by US security agents, among others. At least 40 of the detainees were released in April and May—including more than a dozen women and children under the age of fifteen—but scores of others have disappeared.

Suppression of Free Expression and Attacks on Civil Society
An unknown number of people remain imprisoned without trial after election-related violence following events in June and November 2005, although in July 2007 the government finally released the leadership of the leading opposition party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and six newspaper publishers.

In proceedings that became popularly known as “the treason trial,” the government had accused the CUD leadership, journalists and others of using unlawful means to change the “constitutional order,” obstruct the exercise of constitutional powers, promote armed rebellion, and impair “the defensive power of the state,” as well as treason and genocide. In April 2007, the treason and genocide charges were dismissed, but some defendants were convicted of the other charges. The court also ordered three newspapers to be closed. Shortly after sentencing, most of the defendants were released and all charges against them were dropped after they submitted letters accepting some responsibility for the 2005 unrest. However, two civil society representatives, Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie, who acted as mediators between the EPRDF and the CUD after the 2005 elections, refused to sign letters of regret and insisted on judicial exoneration. Despite flimsy government evidence against them, they remained incarcerated as of early December 2007, two years after their arrest, because of repeated court recesses.

Following the 2005 elections, the government has sharply reversed a liberalizing trend and subjected independent newspapers and their editors, publishers, and reporters to renewed harassment, intimidation, and criminal charges. Three journalists acquitted during the treason trial fled the country after their release from jail, citing multiple death threats from government security agents. The government and its allies own all electronic media. It blocks access to internet sites critical of its policies. In October, the government began jamming Deutsche Welle and Voice of America Amharic and Oromomifa language broadcasts, the principal source of news for the rural population.

The government has long tried unsuccessfully to outlaw the Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA), the largest independent membership organization in the country. ETA’s president, released from six years in prison in 2002, was tried in absentia in the treason trial; the chair of ETA’s Addis Ababa branch was acquitted. Four ETA members were arrested in December 26, 2006, severely beaten, and otherwise tortured to coerce confessions that they were members of an armed opposition group, the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front. Released in March 2007, they were rearrested in late May and early June.

Lack of Judicial Independence
The judicial system remains unable to assert independence in prominent cases. In the treason trial, for example, the trial judges showed little concern for defendants’ procedural and constitutional rights and ignored claims of serious mistreatment by prison authorities. With exceptions, courts generally allow police protracted periods to investigate for evidence that might support the charges brought by prosecutors; in the meantime, defendants remain jailed without an opportunity for release on bail.

In January 2007 a court convicted Mengistu Haile Mariam of genocide in absentia, and sentenced him to life imprisonment. Mengistu, the leader of the former military government, lives in Zimbabwe under the protection of the Zimbabwe government. Several hundred former officials remain jailed awaiting trial, sixteen years after Mengistu’s overthrow.

Mistreatment of Human Rights Defenders and Civil Society
The staff of Ethiopia’s only nationwide human rights organization, EHRCO, is regularly subjected to government harassment and intimidation. One investigator who fled the country in 2005 was charged in absentia in the treason trial. Three members of the Nekemte executive committee were arrested and imprisoned for fifteen days (see above.)

The Oromo focused Human Rights League, allowed to register in 2005 after years of litigation, remains inactive. Leaders of the traditional Oromo self help organization Mecha Tulama, arrested in 2004, were released without trial in early 2007.

Key International Actors
Ethiopia remains deadlocked over a boundary dispute with Eritrea dating from the 1998-2000 war. The war in Somalia is another source of tension between the two countries.

International criticism of the Ethiopian government’s human rights performance is muted. The United States and major European donor states view the government as an important ally in an unstable region. Ethiopia remains the largest beneficiary of US military and development aid in sub Saharan Africa. The US provided logistical and possibly financial support for Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia in December 2006 and has not pressured Ethiopia to accede to the Eritrea boundary decision.

Ethiopia is also among the top African recipients of European Union aid. After the 2005 election violence, the UK suspended direct budget support to Ethiopia, but has since increased its aid to an annual GBP 130 million in 2007-2008.

China is an increasingly important trading partner. Chinese-Ethiopian trade has increased 17 percent since 2006, to US$660 million, and Chinese investment has reached $345 million from just $10 million four years ago, according to official figures.

In August 2007 the government expelled two thirds of the diplomatic staff of Norway, apparently for criticizing its human rights record and pressing too aggressively for acceptance of the Eritrea boundary commission decision.
]]> News/Wararka http://www.sirdoon.com/index.php?itemid=601 Wed, 13 Feb 2008 13:57:03 +0000